"There is good reason for the belief that local self-government is the cornerstone of democracy."¹ One might employ this statement to describe the value of having autonomous provincial or state governments operating within a federal system. These governments are usually very sensitive to the opinion of the electorate. Thus in Canada one often finds Territorial or provincial premiers not only taking action in matters within their actual or intended jurisdiction, like education and the control over local commerce. In particular after 1900, they have also spoken frequently upon certain wider national questions. Constitution-makers attempt federalism to give the people of distinctive geographical regions a sense of pride in the operation of their political institutions.² This attitude is conducive to the growth of national unity. Having already achieved improvements in constitutional status, the provincial or state governments will be all the more willing to adopt a cooperative approach in their relationships with the national authorities. The following discussion indicates why the provincial governments in certain federal states deriving from the British Empire have often practiced, during the twentieth century, conciliatory and sometimes even overly cautious ideas of constitutional status. Heterogenous states possessing a unitary constitution normally find it easier to implement sudden changes of policy than do the national governments of federations. On the other hand, in unitary states slight attention is often given to the views characterizing a remote or thinly settled region.³ In federal states, it is possible for political parties to defend distinctive ideas of the regional and the national interest upon two levels of government. As a result, the inhabitants of remote districts in federal states generally acquire a more rewarding experience in politics. Likewise, they are likely to obtain more satisfactory economic services than would groups outside the policymaking elite in a unitary state.⁴ Workable local and regional governments are able to provide some services directly. Further, they frequently can mobilize public opinion within their territory upon any political or economic issue whatever. As will be shown in this study, their shortcomings sometimes result precisely from failure to concentrate upon the most promising and best defined objectives. Besides setting up certain regional governments, a federal constitution normally provides for a theoretically impartial tribunal to resolve or arbitrate conflicting interpretations of law. Not only are jurisdictional disputes expected to decrease in number as the regional political units use the opportunities available within the constitutional framework for constructive initiative, but the very presence of somewhat detached adjudicators has made the relevant issues more intellectual in nature. The remaining legal cases will often be highly significant. To buttress their position, the participants will often put up carefully made up arguments. The discussion will tend to concern matters of principle. Sometimes, the divergent ideological premises will appear clearly and immediately. One might well apply this statement to the litigation between the governments of Ontario and Canada during the nineteenth century. During a historical period when the court has explained to the satisfaction of representative political figures the existing legal status quo, the regional governments will have to make the further important choice as to whether they should insist upon additional functions and revenues to be gained from the national authorities. This situation prevailed in Canada during the movements then shared with other regional governments in Canada fundamental agreement upon the ideas of self-government. The regional Governments in Western Canada were all interested in making certain fairly modest jurisdictional and subsidy gains. Still, one finds several distinct responses being made to the serious constitutional problems then baffling Parliament. In the Canadian Confederation, provincial governments have been entities "largely independent, in the constitutional sense, from the Dominion government."⁵ The regional governments have generally been successful in maintaining rights given by the British North America Act of 1867 and subsequent amendments.⁶ Even the Legislative Council of the Northwest Territories took far-reaching action to protect its favorite legislative plans, as in language matters, even at a time when Parliamentary approval was essential. The Northwest Territories made a steady advance to the legal status enjoyed by the governments of Manitoba. Meanwhile, the Cabinets of Manitoba and British Columbia kept sponsoring certain legislative measures opposed by the federal Government. Notable were the provincial railway charter acts and regulations pertaining to Crown lands.⁷ After I89O, the federal Government allowed the great majority of disputed provincial acts to stand. The Western administrators undoubtedly enjoyed legislative sovereignty in substantial degree. Politically, the federal parties have exerted only restricted influence with even friendly Territorial and provincial Cabinets. Legally and in everyday conduct of business, the latter made public policy mostly on their own initiative. Hence the nature of the constitutional proposals submitted by the Western regional Governments to Parliament, and the nature of direct challenges to federal policy in their legislative programs, often indicate reliably the ideology held by representative regional leaders. This study will define ideology so as to clarify the different approaches taken, between1900 and 1930, to the federal system.⁸ This writer takes ideology to mean not merely the belief in traditionally held personal liberties. It is not restricted to new concepts of economic organization. Any precise concepts of political figures concerning the division of powers must be included. Thus one might speak of a decentralist ideology. Indeed, one rarely finds the Western Canadian political figures expressing theoretical arguments. It is, therefore, often necessary to infer beliefs from specific policies or proposals. For instance, by analyzing the demands made by the Roblin Government (1900-1915) in Manitoba upon Parliament, one may deduce the strong belief held by numerous Conservatives from the Western Provinces in the necessity of modifying the constitutional restrictions resulting from the British North America Act of I87I and small federal subsidies.⁹ The similarities of belief characterizing the representative Canadian regional politicians during the period in question are significant, and will receive considerable attention in this study. Still one finds certain variations both in the jurisdictional positions taken by provincial parties and in typical attitudes shown in matters undisputably under the authority of Parliament. This study will suggest that certain ideological differences were actually the most important factor determining the nature of emphasis and the degree of urgency given either fundamental set of issues. The reader will find all these concepts carefully defined in the introductory chapter. So are the non-ideological factors behind the regional attitudes. The regional viewpoints to be studied will be termed autonomist, qualified cooperative, and partisan nationalist. For reasons given later, this writer will classify all the Territorial and provincial governments in Western Canada prior to 1905 as autonomist. Such also were the Conservative Governments in Manitoba and British Columbia between 1905 and 1914. The Liberal Governments of Alberta and Saskatchewan during the latter period will be considered partisan nationalist. They remained of this type until at least 1918. The label qualified cooperative is applicable to all the Western provincial Governments holding office from 1918 to 1930. No conclusive statements will be made to the ideology held by Members of Parliament from Western Canada. It will only be suggested that the great majority of them, after 1900, have shown political attitudes similar to those of the provincial partisan nationalists. A different study is required if one is to account in detail for the ideologies held by the regional governments in Western Canada. In the following pages, their viewpoints will be mainly employed to explain specific actions taken to change the existing division of functions in the Canadian federal system. Other factors, which also influenced Territorial and provincial governments in the choice of policies include electoral motives, the influence of federal parties, and the degree of financial hardship felt in the respective region. Since numerous writers have already analyzed the financial issues at stake in Canadian inter-governmental relations, the political aspects listed above must now obtain the greatest degree of attention. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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This thesis explores why the Public Archives of Canada, which was established in 1872, did not have the full authority or capability to collect the government records of Canada until 1966. The Archives started as an institution focused on collecting historical records, and for decades was largely indifferent to protecting government records. Royal Commissions, particularly those that reported in 1914 and 1962 played a central role in identifying the problems of records management within the growing Canadian civil service. Changing notions of archival theory were also important, as was the influence of professional academics, particularly those historians mandated to write official wartime histories of various federal departments. This thesis argues that the Second World War and the Cold War finally motivated politicians and bureaucrats to address records concerns that senior government officials had first identified during the time of Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

This dissertation examines the evolution of the bilateral Canadian-American continental air defence operational-level command and control relationship from the 1940 Ogdensburg Agreement to the establishment of the North American Air Defence Command (NORAD) in 1957. It takes a functional approach, focusing on the efforts of Canadian air force officers in conjunction with their American counterparts to develop efficient command and control arrangements to ensure effective air defence of North America while at the same time safeguarding Canadian sovereignty. It explores the evolution of certain command and control principles such as cooperation, unity of command, operational command, and operational control, and argues that because Canada was able to avoid having its air defence forces come under American command, Canadian sovereignty was assured. It also demonstrates that the Canada-U.S. bilateral continental air defence command and control relationship had its origins in Canadian, American, and British joint command and control culture and practice. Canadian steadfastness, along with compromise and accommodation between the two North American nations, operational and doctrinal factors, and also cordial professional working relationships and personalities, all played important roles in the evolution of this command and control relationship from the “cooperation-unity of command” paradigm of the Second World War towards “operational control” in an air defence context throughout the early Cold War. This paradigm shift culminated in 1957 with the integration and centralization of combined air defences under an overall NORAD commander exercising operational control. The thesis also demonstrates that by taking an active role in Canada-U.S. command and control arrangements, Canada was able to avoid a negative “defence against help” situation with the United States and ensure that it secured a proverbial “piece of the action” in the bilateral North American continental air defence mission. Moreover, through this active functional approach, Canadian officers were able to safeguard Canadian sovereignty and at the same time perform an effective and important operational role in the combined efforts with the United States to defend the continent from aerial attack. This dissertation therefore makes an important contribution to the study of command and control and the history of North American continental defence. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-12-12 17:33:33.335

This thesis explores why the Public Archives of Canada, which was established in 1872, did not have the full authority or capability to collect the government records of Canada until 1966. The Archives started as an institution focused on collecting historical records, and for decades was largely indifferent to protecting government records. Royal Commissions, particularly those that reported in 1914 and 1962 played a central role in identifying the problems of records management within the growing Canadian civil service. Changing notions of archival theory were also important, as was the influence of professional academics, particularly those historians mandated to write official wartime histories of various federal departments. This thesis argues that the Second World War and the Cold War finally motivated politicians and bureaucrats to address records concerns that senior government officials had first identified during the time of Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

This dissertation investigates nineteenth-century Canadian literary and general interest periodicals through the prefaces and other editorial missives written by the editors who created them. It seeks to demonstrate how these cultural workers saw their magazines as vehicles for promoting civic and literary development. While the handful of previous Canadian magazine dissertations take a “snapshot” approach to the genre by profiling a handful of titles within a region, this study attempts to capture the editorial impulse behind magazine development more widely. To do so, it examines multiple titles over a wider geographical and chronological span. To provide context for these primary documents, the dissertation begins with a chapter that summarizes the development of magazines as a genre and the history of publishing in nineteenth-century Canada. Subsequent chapters examine prefaces by theme as well as by rhetorical strategy. Themes such as nationalism, cultural development, and anti-Americanism emerge most prominently, alongside rhetorical techniques such as metaphor, imagery, analogy and personification. The dissertation also examines other sites of editorial interaction, most commonly the “correspondent’s columns,” where editors provided public feedback on topics ranging from versification to currency to prose style as a means of educating writers and readers alike. Finally, the dissertation relies on existing indexes to identify some of the most prolific contributors to the magazines, considering how these writers used the magazines to boost their literary careers. In the early century, these sources verify the productivity of canonical writers such as Susanna Moodie and Rosanna Leprohon, and call attention to obscure writers such as Eliza Lanesford Cushing, W. Arthur Calnek, James Haskins, and Mary Jane Katzmann Lawson. In the later century, the same approach is used again to examine the hive of writers who emerged to contribute to late century magazines like The Canadian Monthly and National Review and The Week, confirming the immense productivity of writers such as Agnes Maule Machar and drawing attention to now-obscure contributors like Mary Morgan. By recovering these overlooked editorial elements and figures, this dissertation draws scholarly attention to a more nuanced view of literary production and affirms the importance of magazines to literary development in nineteenth-century Canada.

Seventy-five years ago the provincial governments of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta signed a series of Natural Resources Transfer Agreements (NRTAs) with the federal government. These agreements provided the answer to a contentious debate known as the 'Natural Resources Question'. Before the NRTAs, the three prairie provinces did not have control over their public domain lands and did not share equal constitutional status with the other Canadian provinces. In the early 1920s, Prime Minister King recognized the validity of the provincial arguments for constitutional equality and no longer wanted the federal government to be responsible for the administration of provincial natural resources. By this time, the policy ambitions which had previously justified the retention of the natural resources had been fulfilled. Thus, the constitutional rights arguments presented by the prairie provinces found a receptive audience when the control of the lands and resources were no longer a federal priority.

Canada participated in the Far Eastern Advisory Commission, later the Far Eastern Commission, overseeing the occupation of Japan from 1945 to 1952. In the face of resistance from the United States government generally, and from General MacArthur specifically, Canada and the Far Eastern Commission achieved little success in moderating United States policy. Because Canada’s position was always influenced by its concern for future multilateral bodies and its overwhelming need to maintain good relations with the United States, it displayed little independence on the Far Eastern Commission.