Thesis (M.A.)--Boise State University, 2009. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Erskine Theological Seminary, 2000. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Erskine Theological Seminary, 2000. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91).

Thesis (M.A.)--Boise State University, 2009. / Title from t.p. of PDF file (viewed Apr. 30, 2010). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2008. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-05, Section: A, page: 1939. Adviser: M. Megan McLaughlin. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-238) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Abstract not available.

Dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle, la pauvreté afflige les populations en France et la région de Toulouse n'est pas épargnée. Les habitants du diocèse doivent souvent compter sur l'assistance paroissiale à différentes périodes de l'année. Dans ce cadre, les cures de paroisses deviennent des témoins de premier plan de la précarité dans laquelle vit cette population. S'occupant autant des affaires spirituelles de la paroisse que des affaires quotidiennes du temporel, ces acteurs sociaux sont bien insérés dans le milieu ou ils oeuvrent. Ceci leur donne une perspective privilégiée de la pauvreté des habitants. La perception qu'ils en ont s'observé dans une enquête diocésaine commandée en 1763 par le nouvel archevêque de Toulouse, Loménie de Brienne. Celle-ci dévoile, à travers questions et réponses, l'importance de la pauvreté au sein des paroisses, les causes spécifiques du problème et les moyens d'y remédier. Évaluée à la lumière du discours que tiennent sur le sujet les élites religieuses de l'époque, la vision de la pauvreté des membres du bas clergé s'en démarque.

By focusing on biblical texts, the Western history of translation has favoured Jewish, Catholic and Protestant traditions. For the first time this study analyses the debates on liturgical translation that took place in the Russian Orthodox Church, where services of liturgical prayer remain in Church Slavonic. An examination of the reasons put forward by the Church to justify its refusal to translate leads to an analysis of the opposing viewpoints of the traditionalists and reformers throughout Russian history. The debates from the end of the XIXth century through the XXth century are at the centre of the thesis, but they are rooted in three great polemics that have deeply influenced the history of the Russian Church over the last twelve centuries. These were the disputes between Cyril and Methodius and the German clergy in the IXth century, between Maxim the Greek and the Russian clergy in the XVI th century, and finally between the Patriarch Nikon and the Old Believers in the XVIIth century. The debates of the traditionalists and the reformers can be summarized by the following dilemma: should religion adapt itself to the people (primacy of comprehensibility) or should the people rise to the level of their religion (primacy of divine mystery conveyed by hieratic language)? While the traditionalists call for patient sobriety and prudence, the reformers plead in favour of more active participation of the laity in liturgical life. The philological and theological arguments underlying the two positions are evaluated from the perspective of the particularities of the Orthodox liturgy and show the complex and sometimes contradictory nature of the problem. In order to shed light on the debate, the study calls upon the experience of the Evangelical Church of Germany (1974 NT-translation of the Luther-Bible for liturgical use) and of the Catholic Church (consequences of the liturgical movement of the Second Vatican Council, particularly its linguistic aspect), which chose to translate their liturgies into the vernacular, opting for the argument of comprehensibility. This study suggests possible solutions to this longstanding debate and should contribute to enrich the field of translation of sacred texts by offering an original perspective on the Orthodox tradition, to which European and North American specialists in translation have paid little interest.

Symeon of Durham's history of the church of Durham, a number of earlier narratives and the fine collection of twelfth century Durham charters formed the basis for this history of the Community of Saint Cuthbert before 1150. They generally concentrated upon the acquisition and maintenance of the community's lands, the changes in which reflected the major events in northern history. The survival of the sources and the story they tell bear witness to the remarkable resilience and continuity of the community. At no time did it suffer the destruction characteristic of northern monasticism, often flourishing at times of upheaval, as during the Scandinavian and Norman Conquests. In its first days the acquisition of land was, predictably, associated with early Anglian settlement, especially royal sites. Throughout the period the growth of the patrimony was largely dependent upon royal patronage, though some bishops were also avid acquirers of land. Royal and other lay patronage can be directly associated with the need to gather support in the north. Rulers secure in the north, as native northern earls, or strong enough to subdue the area were unlikely to be great benefactors and were inclined to despoil the church. For the Cuthbertine community jurisdictional rights were important and there is evidence to suggest that there existed a substantial jurisdictional immunity within the patrimony by the tenth century. The rights of sanctuary of a mother church and the immunities of church land in the seventh century seem to have been important factors in its establishment, rather than, as has generally been suggested, the alienation of comital rights to Durham in the late eleventh century. The combination of landed wealth, jurisdictional privilege and survival accounts for the immense power of the community in the north from the seventh century onwards.

This study focuses on St. Mark's Community Center and St. Mark's United Methodist Church, which share a building in New Orleans, Louisiana. In 1895, Methodist women, motivated by Social Gospel studies, adopted a struggling mission, and in 1909, expanded the work to the French Quarter, where Methodist deaconesses established a settlement serving white immigrants Women's work at Methodist settlement houses has been undervalued, discounted by the church as too secular, and by non-sectarian settlement workers and historians as too religiously motivated. I argue that examining the work of southern Methodist women who embodied the Social Gospel reveals gender differentiation in the movement's praxis, alters understandings of its duration, and demonstrates the unproductiveness of characterizing female reformers as social and theological conservatives. Far more nuanced understandings of their motives and experiences are required Despite attempts in the early 1990s by Ralph Luker and Ronald White to combat assertions that the Social Gospel was racist, in 2001, scholar Darryl Trimiew still insisted it was by definition a racist movement. The perception is common that female Social Gospel/Progressive reformers pursued conservative, if not racist and classist, agendas. However, several white deaconesses who served St. Mark's joined the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in the 1930s, held radical views about social and economic equality, and operated as racially open a facility as possible within Deep South mainline Protestantism Denied ordination because of their sex, deaconesses nevertheless exerted profound theological influence on two young New Orleans clergymen (including a deaconess's son) who agitated prophetically for school desegregation in the mid-1950s. In 1960, the pastor of the St. Mark's congregation broke the white boycott of William Frantz Elementary School by keeping his daughter in school with the first black student. Deaconesses were leaders in the congregation, and many members had joined because of their relationships with the women of the Community Center; thus, deaconesses played decisive roles in determining the congregation's response during the school desegregation crisis. Studying six decades of deaconess work at St. Mark's reveals strong links between female Social Gospel practitioners and the Civil Rights Movement in New Orleans / acase@tulane.edu