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Elite configurations and clusters of power: the Ulema, Waqf and Ottoman State 1789-1839Argun, Selim January 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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Eugenics, modernity and the rationalization of morality in early republican TurkeyAtabay, Efe January 2009 (has links)
No description available.
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The Moroccan monarchy and the nationalist movement, 1930-1965 /Benbaruk, Léon January 1979 (has links)
No description available.
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Investigating Turkey: detective fiction and Turkish nationalism, 1928-1950Mason, David Charles January 2011 (has links)
No description available.
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Yeniçeri-Esnaf relations : solidarity and conflictKafadar, Cemal, 1954- January 1981 (has links)
No description available.
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The Wahhabi tribe : an analysis authority in the unification of the arabian peninsula, 1902-1932Beatty, Adam January 2003 (has links)
No description available.
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Road to Turkish language reform and the rise of Turkish nationalismJohnson, Aaron Scott January 2004 (has links)
No description available.
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A study of Egyptian rule in eastern Arabia, 1814-1841 /Ameen, Mohammad January 1981 (has links)
No description available.
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A socio-historical analysis of warfare (Jihad and Qital) in primitive IslamUnknown Date (has links)
This dissertation examines the social and historical circumstances and the Qur'anic justifications for implementing, executing and governing the practice of war in seventh century Arabia. Several foci are topics of concern: the role of the charismatic prophet, the life and times of Muhammad, the goals of Muhammad's prophetic career, ideas of justice and injustice in the Qur'an and the relationship of these to "holy war." / In a strictly sociological context, Muhammad was a prophet; he was concerned with the transformation of seventh century Arab society and the realignment of its values. In such cases many prophets, including Muhammad, resort to warfare in order to accomplish their objectives; consequently, Muhammad had to justify and regulate the hostile actions of his followers. / Muhammad was not a philosophical theologian. The author of the Qur'an, or its redactors, took a non-systematic approach to many topics, including warfare. As a structural tool, and only as such, we shall use the categorical constructs of the Western just war tradition. This format is used in order to arrange data in a familiar manner and to suggest relationships, parallels and analogues between these two traditions. / We shall take both a topical and chronological approach to warfare in the primitive Islamic community. In this way we can appreciate (1) Muhammad's firm stance against what he saw as unbelief and ingratitude towards God and (2) his eschatological vision of a beloved, theocratic community. This community should be protected from violent actions and should prepare itself and the world for the end-time by ensuring justice and by spreading "submission" and the primacy of Islamic law to the four corners of the earth. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 55-04, Section: A, page: 0994. / Major Professor: John Kelsay. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.
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From Rome to Iran| Identity and Xusro IIBaca-Winters, Keenan 15 September 2015 (has links)
<p> The Roman-Sasanian War of the seventh century CE was the last conflict of late antiquity. <i>Šahanšah</i> Xusrō II nearly conquered the Roman Empire. James Howard-Johnston has studied the war extensively. Walter Kaegi has produced a biography of Xusrō II's opponent, Heraclius, while Geoffrey Greatrex and Touraj Daryaee have written articles focusing on Xusrō II. Scholars, however, have not attempted a major study of him. This dissertation seeks not only to understand how different authors depicted Xusrō II but to understand the man's personality. </p><p> Roman authors who witnessed the war sought to highlight only the negative aspects of Xusrō II. He was, according to the Romans, an enemy of God. Fear of Xusrō II was the basis for these depictions. Pseudo-Sebēos, an Armenian historian, depicted Xusrō II as an arrogant, blasphemous ruler. Pseudo-Sebēos, however, did not write anything positive about the Romans, either, because both the Romans and Sasanians wanted to control Armenia. </p><p> Christians living under Xusrō II's rulership also seemed to despise him. They portray Xusrō II as wicked because, in an attempt to punish them, he did not let allow them to elect a ruler. A careful reading of these sources, however, suggests these authors were aware of how Xusrō II took care of Christians in his realm. Finally, Arab and Persian sources differ in their portrayals of Xusrō II because both groups, although both Muslim, were competing for legitimacy in the post-Islamic conquest of Iran, due to ethnic tensions. Arab authors emphasized Xusrō II's faults. Persian authors, on the other hand, presented his good qualities. </p><p> Ultimately, all of these different depictions of Xusrō II demonstrate that he possessed a fierce will and embraced a vision of how to rule. Xusrō II wanted to conquer the Romans and extend his domain and be remembered forever. Xusrō II's drive might have made him seem arrogant to the authors studied in this dissertation, and they depicted him accordingly. We should not, however, lose sight of the man he truly was: a man who dared to dream.</p>
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