The purpose of this dissertation is to construct a theoretical model indicative of a viable two party democracy and then demonstrate how influence or political power is instrumental in moving the two party democratic system towards a political system where only one party is influential Chapter 1. The Theory of Political Systems: An Economic Interpretation and Survey. This literature survey focuses on the main aspects from which the model of the next chapter is formulated: voting, legislative competition, and the decline of political competition. Therefore three areas of the Public Choice literature are surveyed. (a) revelation mechanism in direct democracies; (b) competing interest or influence groups; and (c) the parallels between duopoly models in industry where competition is declining and the literature on political overthrows Chapter 2. Influence in the Dynamics of a Democratic Two Party Political System. A theoretical model is formulated to demonstrate that the political activities of fund raising, winning elections and passing legislative could give a political party an advantage in political influence such that over time just one party will exist. A dynamic model is presented although a period by period choice process is justified. The amount of influence the parties cumulate depends on the results of the electoral and legislative competition and is constrained by the resources raised by the two parties. The model shows that the political system will move towards one party rule as the amount of influence accumulated by a party in the present, attributed by an increase in perceived (past) influence, exceeds the amount by which influence declines (depreciates) constantly over time Chapter 3. The Evolution of Authoritarian Rule: The Philippines' Experience. This historical survey of modern Philippine political history aims to corroborate previous chapter's main results where the more influential party uses its political power to eventually drive its opponent from the system. The historical facts also demonstrate political scandals frequently served as the exogenous shock in all pre-martial law administrations which resulted in a decline in the incumbent's influence / acase@tulane.edu

In 1514, at the age of thirty, the Spanish cleric Bartolome de Las Casas underwent a profound spiritual transformation that caused him to 'condemn the repartimientos or encomiendas as unjust and tyrannical and to leave his Indians and renounce them to the governor.' From that moment on he emerged as the most unrelenting and abrasive defender of the Indians in the history of Latin America. Las Casas' legacy is complex and difficult to evaluate in absolute terms. As a uniquely multifaceted individual, Las Casas is remembered as a priest, writer, politician, theologian, prophet and jurist among other things. For his efforts on behalf of the Indians, Las Casas is variously depicted as a savior of the Indians, an apostolic prototype of love, piously fanatic, the creator of the 'Black Legend' of the Spanish conquest, or as an 'authentic expression of the true Spanish conscience.' This study of Las Casas attempts to re-interpret his life and work from the perspective that he was a benevolent and paternalistic representative of Spanish imperialism in America rather than the unblemished larger-than-life hero depicted by his admirers. Perhaps one of the most revealing and significant examples of the Las Casas' role as another face of Spanish imperialism can be found in the similarity between some of his early proposals, and those put in practice by viceroy Francisco de Toledo in Peru in the late sixteenth-century. Whereas Las Casas had suggested his policies to the crown as a benevolent form of systematizing the exploitation of the land and its inhabitants and as a measure to prevent the decimation of the Indians, Toledo's application of his own policies were designed to increase the imperial sphere of influence and while they resulted in a considerable increment in profits for the crown, they also brought about a significant decrease of the indigenous population In order for Las Casas to be fully understood, he must be seen not only in the context of defender of the Amerindians, but as a full, active and willing participant in the imperialist domination of the New World by Spain, and perhaps the best known representative of benevolent Spanish imperialism in our continent / acase@tulane.edu

The dissertation, "The Stakes of Empire: Colonial Fantasies, Civilizing Agendas, and Biopolitics in the Prussian-Polish Provinces (1840--1914)," is a comparative and transnational analysis of the discourses and practices that the German empire used to map out, describe, and regulate Polish-speaking citizens in Imperial Germany. It studies the cultural and biological definitions of Polish subjects not only through the scientific works of Germans and Poles in Central Europe, but also through their experiences with colonial projects in German Africa. Inspired by the works of postcolonial and imperial studies on subjectivity, I study multiple levels of subject positioning, nested imperial and colonial relations, and constructions of national/colonial cartographies using sources that range from medical texts and state documents to travel literature. I argue that many ideological elements informing power relations and cultural practices in distant colonies also applied to the Prussian-Polish provinces, especially when considering the politics of the state regulating populations and epidemic diseases in the borderlands. Poles were often portrayed in the German empire as internal others who shared characteristics with the colonized and required similar strategies of control. / In addition to providing a historical context for the health conditions of the Prussian-Polish provinces, the dissertation analyzes the complicated process by which these territories became stigmatized as disease-stricken places. I show this transformation by studying debates about cholera and typhus epidemics in the region. The project also examines the different Polish scientific organizations that were founded not only as a "self-help" strategy used to confront diseases, but also as a method to counter the Germanizing projects and the leading medical discourses about the region. The close analysis of Polish writings from this period demonstrates that Polish-speaking citizens under the German empire were not passive receptors of state policies and discourses, but they were actively challenging these conceptions by calling into question imperial civilizing agendas and developing at the same time their own civilizing and colonial fantasies. By studying these medical and political debates, the dissertation uncovers novel ways to connect medicine, scientific expeditions, and colonial agendas.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-02, Section: A, page: 0677. Adviser: Alexander Rabinowitch. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed March 13, 2007)."

Representations of Germany's crisis of anti-foreigner violence and ambivalent government policies regarding guestworkers misrepresent this crisis and reproduce several myths: that Germany has only recently relied on foreign labor, that Germany is an unusually "homogenous" nation, has experienced little integration of foreigners, and is not and cannot become an "immigration" country. These myths hinge on a widespread "forgetting" of much of German labor history. This paper outlines this missing history. Features common to past and present "guestworker" policies are highlighted. An examination of modern German citizenship and naturalization laws suggests that guestworker crises derive from a fundamental contradiction between economic and political interests. The current crisis can be viewed as one phase of a longer unresolved conflict between economic goals and the definition of the German nation. Such a perspective is generally avoided, however, as earlier periods of conflict are erased through widespread collective forgetting.

Sigmund Freud has much to say about the subject of war and death in his later work, written after 1914. Freud explores the effect of war on the soldier, his adjustment to war, his retreat to the primitive, the development of neuroses in combat, and the soldier's reaction to death. War and death are also important subjects found in German literature of the First World War. The aim of this thesis is to briefly review Freud's ideas on the individual in war, and to juxtapose these ideas to various accounts provided by German soldiers of the First World War. The four works of German World War I Literature used in this comparison are: Im Westen Nichts Neues by Erich Maria Remarque, Feuer und Blut by Ernst Junger, Seelenleben des Soldaten an der Front by Ludwig Scholz, and Kriegsbriefe gefallener Studenten edited by Philipp Witkop.

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<p> Given an additional 10 volumes that could still be added to his <i> Collected Works</i> and 35,000 unpublished letters, the historical record on Swiss psychiatrist, Carl Gustav Jung, remains incomplete. An example is the unpublished letters between Jung and Carol Sawyer Baumann (1897-1958), an analysand and member of Jung's circle in Zurich for 30 years. The focus of this dissertation is the period of transition between 1927 and 1932, when, after a near-death experience, Baumann shifted her attention from her husband and two children in Cleveland to a search for individuation, first as an analysand under various Jungians, including Cary and H. G. Baynes, then under Jung himself. </p><p> Jung's place in psychology is first assessed, noting that he is either generally ignored or else cast as a mere acolyte of Freud. Alternatively, the dissertation is situated in the New Jung Scholarship, which positions Jung as the 20th century exponent of the symbolic hypothesis, but in the tradition of the late 19th century psychologies of transcendence. </p><p> Jung's emerging conceptions are chronicled using his documents on individuation from 1916 until 1931. The documents show the emergence of the concepts of the persona, the personal and collective unconscious, the anima and animus, attitudinal and functional types, the balancing mechanism of the psyche, the transcendent function, and the self. These conceptions are compared to an abundance of archival evidence available on Baumann, including papers held by her heirs and primary source material from repositories in various libraries. </p><p> The interaction of Jung's theory and Carol Sawyer Baumann's interpretation of individuation reveals to what degree and in what way each influenced the other. The process of collecting, reviewing, and presenting documentary evidence, as an alternative to a hypothesis-driven approach, raises further questions from the material. The extent to which she was successful in her quest can be gauged by Carol Sawyer Baumann's superior intellectual grasp of the principles of analytical psychology, her extensive researches into non-Western cultures, and her ability to communicate her findings on the process of individuation through her lectures and published writings.</p>

<p> This dissertation explored Korean mass politics through neighborhood associations from the late 1930s to 1960s, defining them as a nationwide organization for state-led mass campaigns. They carried the state-led mass programs with three different names under three different state powers -Patriotic NAs by the colonial government and U.S. occupational government, Citizens NAs under the Rhee regime and Reconstruction NAs under Park Chung Hee. Putting the wartime colonial period, the post liberation period and the growing cold war period up to the early 1960s together into the category of "times of state-led movements," this dissertation argued that the three types of NAs were a nodal point to shape and cement two different images of the Korean state: a political authoritarian regime, although efficient in decision-making processes as well as effective in policy-implementation processes. It also claimed that state-led movements descended into the "New Community Movement" in the 1970s, the most successful economic modernization movements led by the South Korean government. </p><p> The beginning of a new type of movement, the state-led movement, arose in the early 1930s when Japan pushed its territorial extension. The colonial government, desperate to reshape Korean society in a way that was proper to the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and wartime mobilization, revised its mechanism of rule dependent on an alliance with a minority of the dominant class and tried to establish a contact with the Korean masses. Its historical expression was the "social indoctrination movement" and the National Spiritual General Mobilization Movement. Patriotic NAs, a modification of Korean pre-modern practice, were the institutional realization of the new mechanism. To put down diverse tensions within a NA, patriarchal gatherings made up of a male headman and male heads of household were set up. </p><p> Central to their campaigns&mdash;rice collection, saving, daily use of Japanese at home, the ration programs and demographic survey for military drafts&mdash;was the diverse interpretation of family: the actual place for residence and everyday lives, a symbolic place for consumption and private lives, and a gendered place as a domestic female sphere. The weakest links of the imperial patriarchal family ideology were the demands of equal political rights and the growing participation of women. They truly puzzled the colonial government which wanted to keep its autonomy from the Japanese government and to involve Korean women in Patriotic NAs under the patriarchal authority of male headmen. </p><p> The drastic demographic move after liberation, when at least two million Korean repatriates who had been displaced by the wartime mobilization and returned from Japan and Manchuria, made both the shortage of rice and inflation worse. It led the U.S. military occupational government not only to give up their free market economy, but also to use Patriotic NAs for economic control&mdash;rice rationing and the elimination of "ghost" populations. Although the re-use of NAs reminiscent of previous colonial mobilization efforts brought backlash based on anti-Japanese sentiment, the desperation over rice control brought passive but widespread acceptance amongst Koreans. </p><p> Whilst renaming Patriotic NAs as Citizens NA for the post-Korean War recovery projects in the name of "apolitical" national movements and for the assistance of local administration, the South Korean government strove to give it historical legitimacy and to define it as a liberal democratic institution. They identified its historical origins in Korean pre-modern practices to erase colonial traces, and at the same time they claimed that Citizens NAs would enhance communication between local Koreans and the government. After the pitched political battle in the National Congress in 1957, Citizens NAs got legal status in the Local Autonomy Law. The largest vulnerability to Citizens NAs lied in their relation to politics. While leading "apolitical" national movements as well as assisting with local administration tasks, they were misused in elections. Consequently, they were widely viewed as an anti-democratic institution because they violated the freedom of association guaranteed by the Constitution and undermined local autonomous bodies. In the end, they lost their legal status in Local Autonomy Law, with Rhee regime collapsed. </p><p> When Park Chung Hee succeeded in his military coup in 1961, he resuscitated NAs in the name of Reconstruction NAs for the "Reconstruction" movement with the priority being placed on economic development. However, civilians were against the re-use of NAs, with the notion that the governments politically abused them. Finally, the arbitrary link between state power and the NAs waned throughout the 1960s, passing its baton to the "New Community Movement" which began in 1971and swept through Korean society until the 1980s. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)</p>

On the basis of field and archival research on Sakhalin Island, and in Moscow, Tomsk and St. Petersburg, conducted over a twenty-four month period between 1989 and 1992, this project offers ethnographic and historical accounts of the production of Soviet culture among a Siberian indigenous people, the Nivkhi. Through Nivkh oral accounts, archival documents, as well as Russian and Soviet ethnographic sources, the dissertation charts a dramatic series of policy shifts in the governance of Nivkh life in the twentieth century, shifts which were in effect organized state campaigns of cultural invention and cultural erasure. By highlighting two dominant and often contradictory streams of official state narratives which counterposed Siberian indigenous peoples as being both children of nature and the most authentic of modern proletarians, the dissertation finds a population in late perestroika whose own views of Nivkh culture were largely underwritten by statist interpretations. The project argues for a closer reading of the nature of Soviet cultural construction than is often found in writings on Soviet nationality policies, and of the very hybrid identities which the Soviet period, and now the post-Soviet period, have produced.