<p> This thesis examines the lifestyle of the people who lived in Kaup&omacr; between 1930- 1950. A number of those who lived in Kaup&omacr; during that time were interviewed and their stories have been compiled under various topics relating to their life, the nature of the land, the community, religion, food getting, and life at home. This thesis examines their traditional Hawaiian knowledge, behavior and spirituality. Place names were also researched in order to verify names documented previously and to document additional names.</p>

<p>This dissertation traces the development, growth, and eventual fall of a white Creole intellectual and literary community in New Orleans, beginning in the 1820s and continuing for a century thereafter. In histories and novels, poetry and prose, the stage and the press, white Creole New Orleanians&mdash;those who traced their parentage back to the city's colonial era&mdash;advocated both an intimate connection to France and a desire to be considered citizens of the United States of America. In print, they consciously fostered, mythologized, and promoted the idea that their very bifurcated nature made them inheritors of a singularly special place, possessors of an exceptional history, and keepers of utterly unique bloodlines. In effect, this closely-knit circle of Creole writers, like other Creole literary communities scattered across the Atlantic World, imbued the word <i>Creole</i> as a descriptive identity marker that symbolized social and cultural power. </p><p> In postcolonial Louisiana, the authors within this white Creole literary circle used the printed word to imagine themselves a unified community of readers and writers. Together, they produced newspapers, literary journals, and art and science-based salons and clubs. Theirs was a postcolonial exercise in articulating a common identity, a push and pull for and against their French and American halves to create a creolized Creole self. </p><p> Looking to their American brothers and to their French motherland, they participated in idealistic, literary, and wider cultural movements witnessed on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Over the course of the long-nineteenth century, these movements included romantic historicism, religious reformation, pan-linguistic nationalism, racial refashioning, a preoccupation with genealogy, and a social feminization. </p><p> Though few of these white Creole authors are still read today, their fashioning of a city and state literature continues to resonate in most all literary representations of New Orleans and Louisiana. By the turn of the twentieth century, and the end of their era of prominence, the white Creoles had popularized the idea of a New Orleans centered in the city's mythologized white, Gallic past. They had imagined the "Creole City." </p>

<p> This study focuses on the American anti-malaria campaign beginning in 1939. Despite the seemingly endless scholarship on World War II in the past seventy years, little has been written on the malaria epidemic on Guadalcanal. Through extensive archival research, the breadth of the anti-malaria campaign throughout the Pacific is explored as a positive side effect of the malaria epidemic on Guadalcanal in 1942-1943. While most scholars of the Pacific war mention the devastating effects of malaria during the battle for Guadalcanal, few have examined the malaria protocols. Through intensified atabrine discipline, bed nets, mosquito repellant, and an intense cultural war against malaria, the United States military won the war against the anopheles mosquito. Moreover, research and development in the years leading up to war fundamentally changed the way large-scale scientific and medical research is conducted in the United States, including the establishment of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.</p><p> *1 Color Poster No. 44-PA-686; &ldquo;Don&rsquo;t Strip-Tease for Anopheles,&rdquo; Records of the Office of Government Reports, 1932-1947, Record Group 44; National Archives at College Park, College Park, MD. </p>

<p> This dissertation examines how racial ideologies have historically been entangled with discourses on citizenship and gender difference in the United States. In looking at the case study of the 18^th- and 19^th-century African American community on Nantucket, I ask how these ideologies of difference and inequality were experienced, reinterpreted, and defied by women and men in the past. Whereas New England has maintained a liberal and moralistic regional narrative since the early-19^th century, this dissertation builds on scholarship which has increasingly complicated this narrative, documenting the historically entrenched racial divides in the region.</p><p> Historic African American community philosophies and social ideals are investigated through newspapers, pamphlets, and other records of the time. To address the household and individual scale, an archaeological investigation was undertaken at the homestead of a prominent 19^th-century black family on the island of Nantucket, Massachusetts. The Seneca Boston-Florence Higginbotham House was home to a prominent late-18^th- and 19^th-century African American-Native American family on the island. The materiality of the Boston home&mdash;the artifacts, architecture, and landscape features&mdash;are the basis for making interpretations of the lives of the individuals that once lived there.</p><p> African diaspora theory, black feminist thought, and theories of performativity form the basis for the interpretive framework of this dissertation. The process of community formation and mobilization is considered with regard both for the uniting potential of cultural background and the uniting potential of political and social goals. The diversity of the African diaspora is seen as both an asset and a challenge to the uniting of the community on Nantucket. Race, gender, age, social status, and other vectors of social cohesion all contributed to the experience of intersectional identities. The concept of performativity, which proposes that identities are temporarily stabilized during actions, is also part of the foundation on which identity is theorized in this dissertation.</p><p> The historical analysis which contextualizes this research project focuses on the establishment and perpetuation of African American community ideals in the northeastern United States during the 19^th century. Notions of citizenship and gender ideals were racialized and defined according to white standards. Women and men of African descent, as well as of other cultural backgrounds, were seen by dominant white culture as outside the bounds of citizenship by virtue of not being white and outside the bounds of womanhood/manhood by not being white women/men. Black communities, or communities of color, in the Northeast countered these hostile ideologies with a complex set of strategies for redefining, rejecting, or transforming dominant ideals of womanhood and manhood. Black gender ideologies represented the synthesis of several sets of cultural traditions, economic circumstances, and political goals. While these changed in important ways over the course of the 19^th century, black gender ideals were consistently based on a normative notion of respectability while at the same time critiquing the race and gender ideologies of the society that defined respectability. In addition to this, people of color were increasingly defining a sense of collective identity based on these shared ideas of respectability and uplift and the ways that women and men achieved this in the home as well as in more public spaces.</p><p> This dissertation first examines how the Boston-Micah family of the late-18^th and early-19^th centuries contributed to the founding of the community of color on Nantucket island. African American, Native American, Cape Verdean, European, and people from other lines of descent were a part of this community and in the early-19^th century they united around the identifier of "people of color." Seneca Boston and Thankful Micah were among the first of these people to strike out and settle on the southern edge of town. Through an analysis of their material worlds&mdash;including ceramics, their house itself, and their plot of land&mdash;it is suggested that they were actively negotiating dominant discourses on racial exclusion, citizenship, and gender which excluded people of color from the rights and privileges of full personhood.</p><p> The 19^th-century occupants of the house contributed to the growth, florescence, and survival of the African American community through the boom of the whaling industry on the island, an economic depression, and the resurgence of the economy with the coming of the tourism industry in the late-19^th century. Mary Boston Douglass, Eliza Berry, Lewis Berry, Phebe Groves Talbot Hogarth, Elizabeth Stevens, and Absalom Boston experienced the race and gender ideals of the black community in the northeast, and wider American society, in a variety of ways. An analysis of ceramics, personal adornment objects, and small finds is used to examine their experiences. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)</p>

Many works have been written about the Civil War. While many of these books have contributed much to the knowledge of this war, some areas have received less attention than they merit. One such topic is the interrelation of the war and religion. Since they had used scriptural arguments to attack and defend state rights, secession, and slavery in ante-bellum years, the churchmen defended their conduct during the war with the same arguments. Yet there is no adequate study of this facet of the war. There are, however, accounts of some of the denominations and their activities in the sixties: Benjamin J. Blied, Catholics and the Civil War (Milwaukee, 1945); Joseph B. Cheshire, The Church in the Confederate States: A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States (New York, 1912); Charles W. Heathcote, The Lutheran Church and the Civil War (Cincinnati, 1912); Lewis G. Vander Velde, The Presbyterian Churches and the Federal Union, 1861--1869 (Cambridge, Mass., 1932). Of these studies only Vander Velde's book measures up to the modern demands of research and writing. Based on a wealth of material, his effort is dependable and thorough. The work at hand is intended to supplement Vander Velde's account, since he did not attempt to deal with the Presbyterians outside the Federal Union during the war years. This is not a theological account, for the ferocity of a life and death struggle left no time to argue the finer points of religious orthodoxy. Instead, Presbyterians in the South concentrated their spiritual strength in support of their nation. They tried to fight a war while keeping the faith. This attempt led them to organize a new General Assembly, to serve as soldier and believer with the army, to ferret out the unfaithful, to preach the Gospel to white and black alike, and to defend Zion. Since these and related topics were uppermost in the minds of the people who made up the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of America, this study concerns the investigation and description of how and why these normally conservative individuals maintained their Church through four years of shattering war and into the uncertainty of total defeat. This account is designed to follow a chronological arrangement. Where this is not possible, certain topics such as the Negro and slavery and missions are discussed independently.

The vehement defense of the African slave trade by Georgia and South Carolina in United States Congress during the trade's constitutionally protected period cannot be fully explained by a Lower South planter concern for the security of slavery. Honor and state character were critical considerations in shaping the arguments raised by Lower South representatives in defense of African importation. Accordingly, the debates were as much about honor and character as they were protection of slavery. Because of importation, antitrade congressmen attacked the Lower South's character as inconsistent with purported American ideals and republican values. Georgia and South Carolina representatives struggled to reconcile the trade with honorable conduct and the evolving American character by crafting constructions of republicanism, the United States Constitution, and American character that protected state reputation within the national community embodied by the Congress. The Lower South's proffered interpretations of republicanism, the Constitution, and American character sought to minimize the trade as an appropriate standard by which to judge South Carolina and Georgia. The trade was consistent with republican values as access to slaves was the only means by which the two states could develop their economies and thus gain sufficient economic independence to maintain their equality with the other states. Moreover, this productivity benefited the young nation as a whole through the export of its slave-based agricultural products to world markets. Lower South representatives argued that the region could not be disparaged morally for importation as the Constitution guaranteed that privilege. They saw anti-trade forces' attacks on moral grounds as an attempt to invest the Constitution with moral standards external to that document which were inappropriate to judging a member of the union by the federal government or other states. The rights provided by the Constitution were the only ones by which the region could be judged with regard. Georgia and South Carolina possessed an American character in spite of slave importation. Each had participated in the American Revolution and otherwise contributed to the country's well-being. Lower South representatives focused on patriotism and loyalty as the fundamental criteria by which the region should be judged.

Many rural Texas women joined the Farmers' Alliance and Populist Party, components of the agrarian reform movement in America in the 1880's and 1890's. Some expressed their interest in the movement by writing letters to the Southern Mercury, a Dallas-based newspaper that became the official organ of the Farmers' State Alliance and Populist Party. These letters, over one hundred in number, give some idea of the concerns, thoughts and daily lives of ordinary women in the movement. They provide a view of women's perceptions of their domestic sphere and their hopes and expectations for the Alliance and Populist Party. They suggest that many women found community, mutuality and a stronger sense of self through participation in the movement and in writing and reading each others' letters to the Southern Mercury.

Using a developmental model as a heuristic tool for understanding the main contours of socioeconomic and cultural development in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century South Carolina, and following Samuel S. Hill's advice that southern religious historians "must consider how religion is related to developments in other aspects of southern life ... as time passes," this work brings into serious question the widely held, and in no small way reductionist conviction among most historians that religious concerns did not assume the importance in colonial South Carolina and the South in general as they did in New England and the Middle colonies. According to conventional wisdom, there was--for a variety of reasons--an almost complete breakdown of institutional religion and a concomitant rise in secularism in the southern colonies, and, although there were occasional, isolated religious revivals after the 1740s, there was no significant reversal in this trend until the so-called second Great Awakening at the beginning of the nineteenth century. If, in emphasizing the discontinuities between the intensely religious early national period and the spiritually flabby colonial period, historians have--to one degree or another--tended to belittle the importance of religion in the pre-Revolutionary South, so too have they prevented us from understanding the general thrust and character of religious developments and the rise of evangelicalism. For far from simply being awash in a static sea of religious apathy, as this work shows was the case for South Carolina, southerners developed a vital, dynamic religious culture during the eighteenth century; and, the influence of evangelicalism began to manifest itself very early on. As the number of evangelical churches and ministers increased in the half century or so before 1800, a unique and profoundly subjective religious belief system emerged and became ever more widespread. This belief system was partly a cause and partly a result of the process of sublimating the pursuit of self and developing an alternative morality that more accurately reflected prevailing modes of behavior.

Beginning with the emergence of Fort Bend County, Texas, as an antebellum plantation society, this thesis examines the effects of emancipation and reconstruction within this community. The Jaybird-Woodpecker War, which culminated in August 1889, brought a violent end to a unique twenty-year period of biracial government in Fort Bend County, notable for outlasting reconstruction in the rest of the former Confederacy. Through the auspices of the Jay Bird Democratic Association of Fort Bend County, an all white political organization, county whites established one of Texas' first white primaries, effectively negating black political involvement at the county level. Between 1869 and 1889 blacks and whites experienced a revolutionary period of political equality; on August 16, 1889, county whites revolted against post-war changes in their society, restoring white supremacy as the guiding principle of Fort Bend County politics.

Historians are unfamiliar with the frontier attorney. We know little of who he represented, what types of cases he litigated and his day-to-day labors. Nathaniel Hart Davis practiced law in Montgomery, Texas from 1850 to 1883; by examining his career we may shed light on these issues. Davis specialized in civil law. Debt collection dominated his practice, but he also litigated land disputes, probate, slave law and divorce cases. He represented the propertied citizens of Montgomery, nearly always acting on behalf of the plaintiff. His energies were devoted primarily to out-of-court tasks: gathering information, tracking down debtors, buying and selling real estate for speculators, and disposing of probate property and debts. Davis was not the stereotypical incompetent, ignorant, parasitical frontier attorney. A cautious, learned man, Davis fulfilled a vital role in his community. He tried to ensure relatively smooth business transactions in an unstable Texas economy.