Between 1963-1968, western water interests sought to construct two dams in Grand Canyon as part of the Central Arizona Project. The Sierra Club led a national opposition campaign that environmental historians argue defeated the dams. Environmentalists claimed a great victory, and scholars and popular writers lauded the Sierra Club as the savior of Grand Canyon. Despite the laurels heaped upon the Sierra Club, its ability to mobilize public opinion did not enable it to appreciably influence Congress where the issue was actually decided. California politicians thwarted Arizona's attempts to build the project for decades, and when Stewart Udall, a former Arizona congressman became Interior Secretary in 1960, he promoted a regional plan predicated upon water importation from the Columbia River to gain California's support. Washington Senator Henry Jackson, the powerful Interior Committee Chairman, opposed the scheme, and California water strategists used Jackson's opposition and the environmentalists' campaign as pretexts to withdraw their backing in autumn of 1966. Knowing that Arizona's disproportionate political influence would end with his and Senator Carl Hayden's impending retirements, the pragmatic Udall obtained congressional passage of a bare-bones CAP without dams just months before he and Senator Hayden left office in 1968. However, the anti-dam effort was an important event in American environmental history because it propelled the Sierra Club to the undisputed leadership of the environmental movement. Although most conservation organizations curtailed their lobbying efforts after the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Federal Lobbying Act in 1954, the club continued its legislative agenda into the next decade. When the IRS revoked the club's tax deductible status after David Brower placed ads in national newspapers in June of 1966, hundreds of thousands of people wrote Congress, accusing the government of violating the club's constitutional rights. The anti-dam campaign drew strong support from free speech, anti-war, and civil liberties advocates, and the Sierra Club used this public sympathy to solidify its position of environmental leadership after Congress passed the National Environmental Policy Act in 1970, giving environmental advocates access to the policy-making process for the first time.

Over the past 25 years, long-term trends in population and employment change for the US have been dramatically altered. At the regional level, areas like the Rocky Mountain West (AZ, CO, ID, MT, NV, NM, UT, and WY) have seen the century-long decline in nonmetropolitan population reversed to some degree. Scholars from across the US have proposed several broad theories to explain these shifts; however, researchers based in the RMW have argued that any general theory of growth and development must be adapted to take into account the region's unique geography and history. For example, population and employment change in RMW has been more volatile and extreme due to the region's reliance on extractive industries. The purpose of this dissertation is to present preliminary findings of an investigation of population and employment change in the RMW in general, and to test the claims of regional researchers on the processes behind these changes. The ideas of these researchers are embodied in the quality-of-life model, which claims that changing residential preferences, demographic changes, and economic restructuring will benefit areas like the nonmetropolitan RMW, an area rich in amenities. Using a wide variety of tools ranging from descriptive statistics, to classification techniques, to multivariate regression models, this research measures how factors theorized to be associated with growth have increased (decreased) in importance over the 25 year span of this study. The results show that regionally-based ideas on growth have a place in helping scholars understand regional growth processes in a more reliable manner. More importantly, there is significant support for the quality-of-life model, especially the role of service industries and environmental amenities in driving regional growth. Answers to these questions will help scholars understand the extent to which national events are being restructured in regional contexts. Additionally, until these ideas are fully tested and shown to explain some of the events and underlying processes driving population and employment growth in the RMW, long-term policies designed to help plan for the continued growth of the region may be misguided and wasteful.

This research addresses where and why interethnic violence occurred during four major urban riots of the 20th Century: The Chicago Riot of 1919, The Detroit Riot of 1943, the Miami Riot of 1980, and the Los Angeles Riot of 1992. Employing a multi-method approach, including historical accounts, statistical modeling of census data, and geographic information systems (GIS) analysis, I investigate whether an explanatory model combining elements of ethnic succession and competition perspectives on riot violence is generalizable to both recent riot events in Miami and Los Angeles and earlier riots in Chicago and Detroit. Such explanation emphasizes the effects of internal and international migration on the racial/ethnic composition of neighborhoods, competition for jobs and housing, and the intensity of riot violence at the census tract level. I find support for a combined ethnic succession and ethnic competition interpretation of riot violence in all four events. I conclude by highlighting the similar effects of the Great Migration on rioting in Chicago and Detroit and recent waves of immigration on rioting in Miami and Los Angeles. I argue that to make sense of recent rioting in Miami and Los Angeles we must be willing to engage in historical comparisons and examine the local dynamics of inter-ethnic violence in cases past and present. We must look beyond the black/white race relations paradigm towards a general model of collective violence that is independent of the specific actors involved, a model that takes the changing racial/ethnic composition of American cities into account.

This is a fragment of the history of Iss (Achoma-wi) and Aw'te (Atsuge-wi), native tribes of northeastern California. Politically, both tribes are placed under the rubric: Pit River Tribe. It is based on a narrative about Niee Denice, an Aw'te person born on Lost Creek in the Hat Creek area. The English rendition was told by Lela Grant Rhoades to linguist Bruce Nevins at Redding, California, 1972, at her home and in my presence. Niee Denice was later named Sampson Ulysses Grant by Basque ranchers who took him in during his flight from confinement at the Round Valley Reservation near Covelo. Grant's narrative begins when he was a child, rounded up as a part of a continual effort by the military and the vigilante "Guards/Rangers" throughout California to erase the native people from the earth. His mother and baby brother were shot while he and his father watched. They were murdered by the military because they were holding up the forced-march through the November snows of the Sierra Nevada/Cascade mountain ranges. The destination of the natives was unclear. Some records indicated that it was Fort Tejon, in southern California. Others that it was Round Valley Reservation, near Covelo. According to the narrative, the natives were marched to Fort Reading (Redding) in the Sacramento Valley, then south to Sacramento where they were put aboard ship. Beyond sight of land, the Captain caused the ship to spin around and around, hoping to make the natives lose direction to land. Then the sailors began throwing natives overboard. A near mutiny on this ship caused the Captain to put into Mendocino Station. Then the people were marched to Round Valley Reservation. He escaped and returned home. Grant gave the original narrative to his daughter, Lela, in Aw'te, while their family lived in Goose Valley. She, in turn, translated it into English for her children and the rest of us illiterate in Aw'te. I bought a copy of the recording from the Linguistics Library at the University of California, Berkeley, in 1991 and am working with Reitha B. Amen, Lela's daughter, to bring this history alive.

This work is the study of the dual movement of a people. Firstly, the Serbs physically migrated, starting in the 1880s and concluding in the 1910s, from the Balkans to the Chicago region. Secondly, by the late 1930s, these immigrants had moved racially from being an indeterminate racial group to being part of the white race. When Serbs came to the Chicago region, Protestant native-born Americans did not consider them to be white. From the Serbs' arrival around the turn of the century to the early 1930s, Chicago area Progressives and residents constructed a racialized view of these Serbs. The Serbs, according to these mostly Anglo Americans, were uncivilized. Middle-class immigrant Serbs, declaring a need for racial improvement, constructed themselves as civilized and white. These Serbs pointed back to centuries of Serbian civilization and culture as proof of their fitness to participate in Anglo-American society. Serbian history showed they were a truly democratic and civilized people, not the tribal savages that Anglo-Americans saw. Immigrant Serbs, through benefit and fraternal organizations, also promoted the Yugoslav ideal as the path toward civilization. Creating a Yugoslav kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes would show Americans that all Serbs everywhere were democratic and civilized. With the rise of xenophobia and racism during the 1920s, the United States experienced a crisis in race and citizenship. Serbs stood at the crossroads of this crisis. While middle-class Serbs continued promoting themselves as white and civilized, Anglo Americans realized that they too could benefit from these Serbian middle class' efforts. The Serbs, Anglo-Americans argued, should become citizens and pledge their allegiance to the United States. Through this process of citizenship, the Serbs would learn to be good Americans, a key to becoming white. As part of the white race, the Serbs would no longer present a challenge to Anglo-American racial hegemony.

Why was national alcohol Prohibition repealed in the United States? Prohibition's repeal is unique in several respects. Alcohol Prohibition is the only American drug prohibition to ever be repealed, and the only constitutional amendment to ever be repealed. Furthermore, the volatility of Prohibition policy serves as a useful case for political sociology, which tends to focus on stable policies and government agencies. Prohibition's repeal is important substantively because it is the only American drug prohibition to be repealed. The question of repeal requires examination of several theoretical issues. First, is the process of creating a new policy fundamentally different from the process of dismantling an existing policy? Second, what effect does an exogenous crisis (like World War I or the Great Depression) have on state actor's response to the demands of a social movement? Third, what is the role of elites in a social movement? Fourth, what effect does the implementation of a policy have on those constituencies supporting it? I examine the substantive and theoretical issues of Prohibition's repeal using a variety of primary and secondary sources. National Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of crisis and elite social movement activity. Both were necessary for passage of the 18th Amendment. Implementation of the amendment proved difficult and had a destabilizing effect on Prohibition's supporters. Repeal of Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of implementation and crisis. The passage and repeal of Prohibition were the result of very different processes, suggesting that dismantling a policy is a different kind of political project than creating a policy.

Throughout the nineteenth century, the prayers, addresses, memorials, legal briefs, testimony and delegations of the Turtle Mountain Chippewa exemplified Edward Said's insight that "nations themselves are narrations." Their legal struggle for land and sovereignty derived from "the power to narrate" their own side of the story. This tribal case study confirms that the Turtle Mountain Chippewa are a powerful people with a compelling history. An adherence to the Native viewpoint is required to re-examine the formulation and implementation of nineteenth century federal Indian policy. This more inclusive approach can help everyone gain a broader perspective on the history of European American/American Indian relations.

California has historically been the primary geographic focus of westward migration in the United States. Trends of the 1960 and 1970s indicate that California's role in interstate migration is changing to that of a redistributor of population. In net terms, California is attracting in-migrants from the traditional core region of the Northeast and Midwest, and distributing population throughout the peripheral West. The emergence and development of these trends from 1935 to 1980 are analyzed through the demographic effectiveness of migration, a singly-constrained gravity model, and reverse gravity model mapping of relative interstate distances from California. International and historical interstate migration to California are also reviewed, as well as recent data on interstate migration during the 1980s. The phenomenon of California's redistributive role in interstate migration is discussed in relation to spatial shifts in economic and social functions, the role of search space, and a changing geographic ideal.

In 1970 a group of Mexican Americans in Crystal City, Texas came together to form El Partido de La Raza Unida (The Raza Unida Party) and challenged the Anglos that had governed there for years. From that beginning came a state-wide party that ran a candidate for governor in 1972 and in a short period took political control of two counties and numerous other elected positions throughout the state. This thesis looks at two aspects in the development of the Raza Unida Party. It reviews the years leading up to the founding of the Mexican American Youth organization, which was the precursor of the party, and it focuses on the strategies used by this group to organize Mexican Americans into a voting bloc. It is the premise of this thesis that La Raza Unida Party, more than any other Mexican American organization before it, was responsible for Mexican Americans becoming participants in the electoral process in larger numbers than ever before.

Mary-Russell and Dr. Harold Colton, co-founders of the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, opened the Hopi Craftsman Exhibition, a show of fine Hopi art, in July of 1930. Believing that traders' emphasis on mass production of tourist trinkets contributed to a decline in the quality of Hopi art, Mary-Russell determined to introduce the buying public to quality Hopi art, hoping this would stimulate better prices. Through the Hopi Craftsman Exhibition, Mary-Russell encouraged Hopi artists to use quality materials and sought ways to help them improve their techniques. Throughout the years, the goals and logistics of the Hopi Craftsman Exhibition have changed to keep up with the ever-increasing interest in Hopi arts. Today, the Hopi Marketplace showcases quality Hopi art to a discerning public. Hopi artists appreciate the encouragement, exposure, and recognition the Hopi Craftsman Exhibition has given them and their art over the years.