In his recent publications Christopher Alexander and his colleagues are mainly concerned with the description of what they call patterns. In 'A Pattern Language Which Generates Multi-Service Centers', these authors have stated that such patterns are tentative and based on much conjecture. They suggest that they need criticism and improvement. The authors further point out that these patterns do not establish an exact geometry of relationship to one another as they are studied and described in isolation. Thus the interrelationship between patterns and their geometry may vary from place to place. This thesis is an evaluation of such patterns, and therefore can be seen as an extension of the design method initiated by Christopher Alexander and the Center for Environmental Structure. The author believes that when patterns (the component parts of which are pre-designed to prevent specific conflicting tendencies from occurring) are combined to form a cohesive whole, they may not fulfil the purpose for which they were initially designed. The Acadia Park Clusters, the housing for married students at the University of British Columbia Campus was selected for the evaluation of patterns. The thesis looks at the out-of-house patterns of this project. Since this project was designed in the conventional architectural way and not according to the Pattern Language Method, an inventory of out-of-house patterns had at first to be abstracted from the design elements. The anticipated behavior of users relevant to these patterns was then posited. These positions became the hypotheses on which the created inventory of patterns was evaluated. The author has gathered this data empirically by recording over a period of three weeks the activities of the participants and their characteristics in their natural settings. The data shows that certain patterns fail to achieve their initial purpose when combined to form a cohesive whole. The study also points out that the physical arrangement of one pattern to another influences the intensity of use. It also suggests that when two patterns overlap, new tendencies develop. This study confirms the importance of evaluating patterns after they are combined to form a cohesive whole. It proves that this is necessary for their improvement and for the design of new patterns. If this sort of follow-up does not become a natural part of the design process, a communication breakdown between architect and user is bound to occur. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of / Graduate

Redevelopment seeks to bring about a "higher" urban land use in declining neighbourhoods and often may result in the dislocation of local residents. Since the mid—1960’s a form of privately-financed redevelopment has been a salient characteristic of the Gastown/Chinatown section of Vancouver's skid row. The hypothesis initiating this study postulated that the redevelopment occurring in this area, has caused and would continue to result in large-scale dislocation of the indigenous population. To obtain a greater understanding of socio-economic activites and effects in the area, three features of the community were investigated. The first two aspects set the foundation for inquiry, while the third feature enabled an analysis of the impact of redevelopment on the housing sector. The first aspect required an identification of the social attributes of the area and its residents; the second element involved an accounting of the magnitude of redevelopment -- both in terms of the area's changes in economic function and in economic value; while the third required an investigation of what impact on the resident population has resulted from redevelopment in the area's housing sector. Four major classes of residents -were found to predominate and inhabit approximately 2,200 dwelling units in need of major repairs, or complete restorations. Existing services — both public and private were found to be characterized by ineffectiveness and lack of resident participation in their programs. The vastness and rapidity of redevelopment in the area can best be characterized by the dramatic land and floor usage changes from industrial to commercial. Further the market values of properties in Gastown/Chinatown have undergone great increases, as have assessments and taxes — used as approximate indicators of property values. The housing sector, however, has not been a conspicuous component part of these redevelopment changes. Though redevelopers have invested in the purchase of residential properties which act as the triggering mechanisms in a sequential process of redevelopment, the other outlined sequences (i.e., eviction, rehabilitation, rent increases, and change in clientele composition) have not followed. In sum dislocation has not been a prominent characteristic in this community, and the hypothesis which initiated this study has been refuted. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This study is essentially a descriptive report on where people move after being displaced by urban renewal projects. In particular, empirical research has been conducted on the displaced population of Vancouver's Urban Renewal Project 2. Information on the geographic dispersion of relocatees provides a partial basis for assessing the effects of relocation on the displaced population and on the community at large. A review of past Canadian and U. S. relocation patterns indicates that relocated families and individuals tend to settle close to their old neighborhoods. While the availability of low income housing nearby and an inadequate knowledge of housing opportunities elsewhere are partially responsible for this pattern, a more dominant influence on relocation patterns is the reluctance of many families to abandon the sub-culture of working class or low income areas. In light of past research, the following hypothesis has been formulated regarding relocation patterns for residents displaced by Project 2 in Vancouver: The given displaced population will exhibit a tendency to relocate within one mile of the renewal site. Post-relocation addresses have been traced for 73 households or 20 percent of the displaced population which did not move into public housing. An examination of the patterns of dispersion confirms the research hypothesis. Sixty percent of the 73 households traced resettled within one mile of the renewal site. Thirty-four of these households relocated in present and proposed renewal sites. Because of a lack of data on household characteristics and on housing conditions, only a tentative assessment of the effects of relocation can be made at this time. The dispersion pattern documented suggests that few residents were socially or psychologically prepared to move at the time of displacement. For many, relocation has probably been a disruptive and disturbing experience. The dispersion pattern also suggests that housing conditions for a large number of families and individuals either did not improve or were impaired by relocation. In view of the current housing shortage, particularly for low-income groups, relocation may have resulted in the further over-crowding of low-income dwellings and in the premature deterioration of part of the city's housing stock. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This thesis uses theories of the state in order to explain the City of Vancouver's housing actions from 1900-1973. Theories of the state are used to identify and contribute to an understanding of the constraints and opportunities a municipality faces in intervening in housing. The theoretical discussion, developed by a literature review, is in three major parts. First, the role of the state in capitalist society is discussed. The neo-Marxist perspective of the role of the state is adopted. According to this perspective the state has a two fold role. First the state functions to aid in capital accumulation. Second, the state functions to legitimate the capitalist system. The second part of the discussion rests on theoretical distinctions on the ways in which the state fulfills its role. Pluralist, instrumentalist and corporatist/managerialist perspectives are analyzed and it is concluded that at different times and circumstances it is possible that all three might apply to the way a state acts. The third part of the theoretical discussion is on the local state. The local state is not separate from the state, though it does have some autonomy. In the areas where the local state does have some autonomy the way it acts can be explained by the three differing theoretical perspectives. The history of the City of Vancouver's role in housing is presented by describing policies, programs and plans undertaken by the City from 1900 to 1973. This research was accomplished primarily by reading original government records in the Vancouver City Archives. With respect to housing initiatives, the City was constrained by its financial and jurisdictional ties to the national state. However, this thesis shows that at times the City was able to define its own terms and conditions and exhibit some autonomy. The details of the housing history also show that the City of Vancouver's role was in capital accumulation and the legitimation of capitalism. For most of the period studied the City of Vancouver was the instrument of the capitalist class. However, this neo-Marxist interpretation is tempered by evidence that both the corporate goals of the City itself and the pressure exerted by local interest groups have had a significant impact on the City of Vancouver's housing actions. This is explained by the nature of housing as a consumption item, as well as by the need to account for human elements in state actions. The fact that the local state is necessary for democratic legitimation and that housing can be made important to critical production issues presents opportunities at the local government level for housing reforms. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the housing environment faced by street youth in the City of Vancouver. It seeks to understand the housing needs of street youth, to identify the barriers encountered in accessing housing, to identify and evaluate their housing options, and to examine the provincial and municipal government roles in providing housing for street youth. This thesis defines a street youth as an individual between the ages of 12 and 18 who has either chosen to leave or been thrown out of their family home for a minimum of two days, is involved in street related activities, and sleeps in inappropriate accommodations or has no shelter at all. The terms street youth and homeless youth are used interchangeably because the qualities which are absent from an individual’s living environment - privacy, security, stability and access to support services - are also absent from the various living situations in which street youth find themselves. The methodology undertaken to complete this thesis is a literature review and a case study of Vancouver’s street youth. The literature review provides background information on the general subject of homelessness, and specifically, the reasons why youth choose to live a life on the street and the lifestyle they lead once on the street. The empirical component of the research consists of interviews with service providers and street youth. The interview results clearly reveal that two interrelated problem areas exist in the broad issue of street youth and housing. These areas are first, the state care system, both its form and manner of service provision, and second, accessibility to market housing - social, economic and political factors which affect a youth’s ability to secure housing. An issue common to both problem areas, and perpetuating the problems in each, is the lack of value and respect society gives to youth. A ‘continuum of housing’ model is proposed which takes into account the family backgrounds conmion to many street youth, the types of lifestyle they lead while on the street, and the problems associated with state-provided and market housing. In addition, recommendations are provided which centre on advocacy and service-coordinating bodies, attitude changes, additional housing facilities, landlord-tenant relationships, government assistance eligibility criteria, and funding. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The theme of this exploration is the issue of habitability. In its most basic sense, dwilling seems to be defined by constructions which carry social values of privacy. At the same time, the many moves of privacying are understood to be relative to public worlds--to the point that ambiguities persist: the fact that pivate percetions can be exchanged for public ones in the very same spaces. Uncovering these relative and, at times, opposite realities means that a great deal of importance is paid to thresholds. By this, I mean the truns in plan, the drops in section, etc. which relate a sequence of unfolding via devices which stimulate subtleties in mood and awareness. Issues of public to private (and its opposite, simultaneous inversion) are investigated using the concept of nested scales . Here, analogous moods shared by movements through scale (eg. street to courtyard; hall to room) are investigated for their synergy. Parallel to these social perceptions are investigations which focus on the elemental specifics of dwellings. What value can hearths be to dwelling? What is a modern control centre for the household? What are the requirements for the bathing ritual? These types of questions permeate the general evalutaion of dwelling design. Sutides which detail abstracted, idealised elements help to inform the larger project-like a kit of parts, they serve as cornerstones which seed and temper the sequential experience of the dwelling. Ultimately, this abstraction absolves the need to make "rooms" but rather to compose dwellings via the integration of elements filtered through public/private dialogues, sequence, and continuity. The site is bounded by 15th and 16th avenues to the North and South and by Arbutus St. and the CPR right of way to the west and east, respectively. Its dimenstions are 270 feet in length and 16 feet and its narrowest, 44 feet and its widest. The site acts as catalyst for the whole project of fitting in thresholds and elements. Like a sandwich, the site compresses thin, discrete, and identifiable componete parts into a whole building. The very narrowness of the site forces a dialogue to surface between the tremendous, double-sided exposure of the building—its public condition, and the construction of nesting scales of prospect and refuge. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of / Graduate

While gay male and lesbian spatialisation has been historicised in some of the literature, and it has been determined that distinct gay male and lesbian neighbourhoods do exist i n our inner cities, the processes that are at work i n each case have seldom been compared. In the case of Vancouver, British Columbia, the two neighbourhoods in question are the West End (for men) and Grandview-Woodland, or 'The Drive' (for women). Such a comparative analysis yields a number of useful insights, particularly as concerns cultural differences between gay men and lesbians. For instance, historical gay male sexual marketplaces form the kernel of gay male ghettoisation, while lesbians' feminist politics (an early lesbian cultural signifier) orient them more towards countercultural enclaves. Similarities are also encountered, especially with respect to the central role of housing availability i n determining permanent gay identification. Specifically, the presence of a large number of single-occupancy apartments is a determining factor i n gay male spatialisation, while gay women typically need low-rent, family-oriented housing. A longitudinal perspective on the production of these gay-identified spaces reveals that their reinscription on Vancouver's landscape is also determined by different processes. The gay West End emerges as a landscape that reflects much more openly a gay presence, with gay-specific institutions and businesses, events, and several visual, cultural cues that inform passers-by of its gay identity. By contrast, The Drive is more subtly gay, and spaces are more likely to be lesbian-friendly or semi-lesbian: unable to support lesbian-only institutions, the women carve their own (sometimes fleeting) spaces out of the existing landscape. Changes are perceived, however, that indicate that boundaries — both between these two districts, and between these and 'straight' spaces more generally — are shifting and even blurring. Gay male and lesbian politics and culture are being transformed, and the spaces with which they have historically identified may no longer reflect these changes. Consequently, not only is there increasing fluidity between the West End and The Drive (with men and women moving from one to the other), but many gay households are openly foregoing these spaces altogether, opting instead for traditionally straight-identified spaces such as the suburbs. These spatial changes are seen as being indicative of the emergence of a 'queer' politics, which seeks to expose the constructedness of sexuality, and thus de-privilege heteronormativity.

While gay male and lesbian spatialisation has been historicised in some of the literature, and it has been determined that distinct gay male and lesbian neighbourhoods do exist i n our inner cities, the processes that are at work i n each case have seldom been compared. In the case of Vancouver, British Columbia, the two neighbourhoods in question are the West End (for men) and Grandview-Woodland, or 'The Drive' (for women). Such a comparative analysis yields a number of useful insights, particularly as concerns cultural differences between gay men and lesbians. For instance, historical gay male sexual marketplaces form the kernel of gay male ghettoisation, while lesbians' feminist politics (an early lesbian cultural signifier) orient them more towards countercultural enclaves. Similarities are also encountered, especially with respect to the central role of housing availability i n determining permanent gay identification. Specifically, the presence of a large number of single-occupancy apartments is a determining factor i n gay male spatialisation, while gay women typically need low-rent, family-oriented housing. A longitudinal perspective on the production of these gay-identified spaces reveals that their reinscription on Vancouver's landscape is also determined by different processes. The gay West End emerges as a landscape that reflects much more openly a gay presence, with gay-specific institutions and businesses, events, and several visual, cultural cues that inform passers-by of its gay identity. By contrast, The Drive is more subtly gay, and spaces are more likely to be lesbian-friendly or semi-lesbian: unable to support lesbian-only institutions, the women carve their own (sometimes fleeting) spaces out of the existing landscape. Changes are perceived, however, that indicate that boundaries — both between these two districts, and between these and 'straight' spaces more generally — are shifting and even blurring. Gay male and lesbian politics and culture are being transformed, and the spaces with which they have historically identified may no longer reflect these changes. Consequently, not only is there increasing fluidity between the West End and The Drive (with men and women moving from one to the other), but many gay households are openly foregoing these spaces altogether, opting instead for traditionally straight-identified spaces such as the suburbs. These spatial changes are seen as being indicative of the emergence of a 'queer' politics, which seeks to expose the constructedness of sexuality, and thus de-privilege heteronormativity. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Very little is understood about the liveability of mini-suite housing. 600 Drake presented an opportunity to analyze the interrelated social, economic, and physical design aspects of mini-suite housing to determine: 1) The extent and characteristics of the sub-market for mini-suite housing; 2) Whether mini-suite housing is liveable and satisfies residents' needs; and 3) What policies should be instituted to ensure mini-suite development supports civic housing objectives. Academic research has dispelled the notion that the amount of living space is the prime concern of people living in high density residential environments. Rather, psychological aspects, such as an individual's perceptions of privacy and crowdedness, are much more influential. Another important conclusion is the realization that residential satisfaction is a measure of the degree to which a home "fits" the needs and desired lifestyle of an individual. Residents should be given the opportunity to chose the type of housing which satisfies their particular needs. An analysis of demographic and housing market trends in the City of Vancouver indicates the existence of a niche market for mini-suite housing. Population growth, smaller households, rapid new household formation and a young age profile have all put pressure on the existing stock of housing. Changing consumer needs and lifestyle habits also affect the housing stock because traditional forms of housing do not adequately fit the particular needs of emerging niche markets. This case-study asked residents to participate in two mail-back surveys. The Part One Survey revealed that a typical resident of 600 Drake is under 40 years of age, single and holds a post secondary degree. This resident walks or takes public transit to a service sector job located in Downtown Vancouver. Their leisure time is divided between many recreational, entertainment and social activities, most of which take place outside of their home. These people were attracted to 600 Drake because it is a new and modern building. Other features, such as the design of units and amenity areas; the building security system; apartment availability; rent increase protection; and building location motivated people to move into 600 Drake. Affordability had a neutral effect on this housing choice "equation" and apartment size had a slightly negative effect. It is apparent that residents choose to live in 600 Drake because of its design, locational and economic attributes. The Part Two Survey assessed how satisfied residents are with various aspects of their mini-suite, privacy and crowding issues, and the design, services and management of the building. Upon considering their mini-suite, residents reveal they are very satisfied with the design of the kitchen and bathroom areas. However, there are a few problems, such as insufficient closet, balcony and dining space, which are associated with the design of the living/sleeping area. The only significant problem regarding crowding and privacy issues has to do with the negative impacts of neighbourhood street noise. This design problem could have been minimized with more effective acoustical abatement measures such as incorporating glassed-in balconies or central air conditioning. Nonetheless, residents do not feel the building is especially crowded. In addition, residents are extremely satisfied with the amenity areas and management of 600 Drake. The amenity areas provide a valued outlet for residents to instigate casual social interaction with fellow residents. In summary, the vast majority of respondents indicate they are satisfied with their minisuite apartment in 600 Drake. By virtue of the close match between who these units were designed for and who actually moved in, it is evident that this form of housing fits the lifestyle of a particular niche market. Therefore, it is recommended the City of Vancouver permit the development of mini-suite housing. A controlled development approach for mini-suite housing should be adopted that utilizes specified design criteria within a discretionary approval process. Furthermore, mini-suite development should be restricted to the rental housing market and the City should negotiate binding rental agreements with developers to ensure buildings are properly managed and do not permit more than one person to live in a mini-suite apartment. Finally, the City of Vancouver should limit mini-suite housing development to central neighbourhoods to ensure residents have access to social, employment and recreational services located near the CBD.

In 1919, the federal government initiated a housing scheme to finance and construct war veterans' and low-cost homes during a period of severe housing shortages and economic recession immediately following the First World War. The Province of British Columbia participated extensively in the program under the auspices of the Better Housing Scheme Act. In Vancouver, the majority of the one hundred and fifty-three houses built under this initiative were modestly priced examples of the Craftsman bungalow. Although the federal housing guidelines defined the scheme's objectives as providing housing to those in greatest need, the choice of the Craftsman bungalow typology for the Vancouver model suggests otherwise. The Craftsman bungalow was appropriated for the Vancouver Better Housing Scheme for economic and ideological purposes, wedding economy and aesthetics with the government's desire to bring morality and family values to all classes through domestic architecture. The Scheme solicited the Arts and Crafts bungalow as its primary model in part because of its adaptability of materials: the Craftsman aesthetic emphasizing natural wood fit well into British Columbia's thriving lumber economy. Moreover, the modest, detached home set on a single lot interspersed in one of Vancouver's existing neighbourhoods bolstered the sagging real estate market, which had stagnated during the First World War, and ensured economic renewal. The Arts and Crafts inspired bungalow addressed notions of the traditional nuclear family with the husband and father as sole wage earner and the wife and mother as housekeeper. Through its plan and design and through its comprehensive marketing strategy, the bungalow reaffirmed the accepted roles of family members during the post-war period of economic recession, instability, and uncertainty with the past and the future. Through the Vancouver Better Housing Scheme, its proponents attempted to establish the detached, single family home as a national goal for everyone which would promote long term social stability and economic growth and recovery from the post-war depression.