The study examines SA‟s human rights diplomacy in Africa and the selected countries, namely Libya, Nigeria, the Sudan and Zimbabwe during the presidencies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki. When SA decided to follow an ethics based foreign policy, especially in the area of human rights, it joined a number of countries who had adopted a similar approach such the United States of America, the Netherlands and Australia. These countries have an established history of human rights diplomacy which is supported by institutional and policy frameworks. The study argues that although both presidents were committed to a human rights oriented foreign policy, due to constraints that they faced in the continent human rights issues were not consistently and concertedly pursued by them, especially following SA‟s 1995 engagement with Nigeria during the term of the Sani Abacha government. These constraints led to a major shift in SA‟s human rights diplomacy. This shift entailed a move away from unilateral action to reliance on multilateral forums to deal with human rights challenges; the development of continental norms and standards, as well as strengthening continental structures; and conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction and development in Africa. This shift became evident in the content of Departmental strategic plans, and reporting both internally and externally to oversight structures such as Parliament. Hardly any proactive plans were developed to address human rights issues in any of the individual countries. Reporting to Parliament also focused on developments at a multilateral level both at the UN and AU with little coverage of human rights issues in individual countries. The use of multilateral bodies such as the SADC to address human rights issues became more pronounced, the Zimbabwean crisis being the case in point. Despite the merits of the collective approach, its value is diminished if it is undertaken to the exclusion of bilateral engagements by South African diplomats in specific countries or if gross human rights violations are not raised in multilateral bodies. Similarly, the significance of the normative framework and requisite structures cannot be doubted, but because the results of these initiatives are only realisable in the medium to long term, this approach needs to be buttressed by bilateral diplomatic engagements. During the period from 1994 to 2008, SA also engaged in a number of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction and development initiatives. These interventions averted human rights violations by securing peace as well as facilitating the development of constitutional and related frameworks to ensure the protection of human rights in the affected states. In conclusion, with the exception of Nigeria, SA hardly intervened on its own to intercede on behalf of victims of civil and political rights violations in any of the four states covered by the study. Its approach undermined its commitment to promote and protect human rights in the African continent. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2015 / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

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時至中國崛起的今日，世界上任何一國都無法忽略中國的存在。中國在改革開放後，憑著眾多的人口及豐富的資源，逐漸加強在國際上的影響力。各國遂加強與中國的關係，德國政府也不例外，在冷戰結束統一後，科爾總理即發表亞洲政策，宣佈加強與亞洲國家特別是中國的關係。繼任的德國總理施洛德則在對外政策上更加親中，曾三度訪問中國，經貿合作尤為其重點。2005年上任的梅克爾卻採取疏遠中國的作法，視中國為競爭對手。不但在新的亞洲戰略決議上建議加強亞洲國家如日本、澳洲以及印度的關係以圍堵中國，更以人權外交的名義持續給中國施加壓力。 而本論文就是以層次分析來研究梅克爾的對中外交政策，期望能以國際、國內以及個人因素來分析梅克爾政府與前任政府相比，來找出影響對中政策上轉變的原因。另外德國有著基本的外交政策，即基本保護德國的利益不會改變變，筆者也希望能找出其中變與不變之處，並分析這些基本外交政策對於中國政策的影響。 / “China rising” now is a hot topic in International affairs. By most population around the world and vast territory, China is gradually increasing its influence toward the international society. Many nations have seen this and tried to intensify bilateral relationship with China. Germany did so too. Following end of the Cold War, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl issued a file called “Asian policy” to strengthen the relation between the asian partner especially China. The Successor of Kohl, Gerhard Schröder, was following the rules even much closer toward China. In his term of chancellor, he has visited China as much as three times with a lot of business. Angela Merkel replaced Schröder in 2005 to be the new german Chancellor. Her party issued “Asia as strategic challenge and chance for Germany and Europe” to regard China as competitor of trade and tactic. Merkel also gave a lot of pressure with “Human Rights” to China. This Article is for Merkel’s foreign policy toward China with “Level-Analysis”. Author expects to find the shift of the foreign policy toward China from Schröder to Merkel. In another part, Germany has its framework of the basic foreign policy. We should know that the german vital interest with protecting business can’t be changed. But there are still slight differences between each german government. That’s why author wants to find it in this thesis.