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Living by a commercial ethic and resisting English encroachment from New England, the Dutch made at least 40 land purchases by written deed from their Indian neighbors from 1630 to 1664. In the past, scholars have seen only a European instrument of dispossession in the so-called "Indian deeds" that document land transfers from Indians to Europeans. In fact, they are colonial phenomena with uniquely Indian qualities. This is particularly true of the Dutch-Indian deeds signed or marked between 1630 and 1664. The Dutch-Indian deeds of the seventeenth century exhibit a middle ground of land tenures, in which the Dutch were compelled to yield to aspects of Indian land tenure and law in order to successfully purchase the land and retain it without facing retaliation. Indians, for their part, partook in the sale rituals of the literate world -- deed-signing -- but resisted European notions of land deals as fixed, permanent agreements. The Dutch-Indian deeds thus emerge as fluid agreements that were a compromise between Dutch and Indian land tenures and legal conventions.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of using the Calico winter count, a 19th century Teton Lakota winter count, as a basis for reconstructing the history of the winter count-producing group. As emic history-keeping devices, winter counts are a crucial type of indigenous data set whose importance is defined through Lakota social theory, ethnohistory theory, and comparative analysis with other historical and cultural data sets. The results of these studies will reveal that winter counts, despite their peripheral utilization in Lakota historiography, are highly credible historical sources that can play central roles in the construction of tribal histories. Winter counts are able to convey a new dimension of pre-reservation life on the plains for the Lakota people. They can be used to relate the internal reality of tribal life, while providing a more complete ethnographic context for describing the tribe historically and to aid in the creation of a convincing historical narrative. This study has important implications for future historical methodology as well as a significant social value for modern Lakota people.

The purpose of this study will be to examine, once again, and chapter by chapter, those chief areas of controversy in Sevier's life, and in the process to arrive at some conclusions as to where the criticism is justified and, just as importantly, where the critics may have overstepped their bounds. For the sake of completeness and historical perspective, this re-examination will also include brief chapters on Sevier's ancestry and early life and his last years in the United States House of Representatives.

In 1763, the British government attempted to control land hungry colonists by prohibiting settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains. The ambitious attempt failed. Two years later! Great Britain, submitting to the pressure of land speculators, homestead seekers, and fur trappers, initiated the treaty making process with the American Indians. Although the Indians had no concept of private property, they exchanged their mountains and valleys for whiskey, beads, and muskets. Following independence, the American government continued the British policy of treaty making and pushing the red men out of the path of white civilization. After the Louisiana Purchase, many Americans considered the region lying beyond the Mississippi River a convenient area in which to settle the Indians. A policy of concentration evolved through John C. Calhoun's idea of a permanent Indian country where settlers had no desire to go. The white man's drive for the western lands doomed this policy to failure. During the 1850's the federal government extinguished Indian title to much of the Great Plains and opened the prairies for white settlement. By the 1860's, only two large areas remained in which to concentrate the red men--Indian Territory and the public lands north of Nebraska. Treaty negotiations for moving the Indians had always been carried on as if each small band, village, or tribe were an autonomous and independent nation. Ohio Senator John Sherman, brother of General William Tecumseh Sherman, called the process . . . a ridiculous farce." Although the treaty making policy was attacked, it was not abandoned until 1871. Why Congress dealt with the savages in the same manner as it dealt with the French is perhaps best summed up by one critic who said, "Treaties were made for the accommodation of the whites, and broken when they interfered with the money getter." In fairness to the federal government, however, one should note that the attitude of Indian officials in Washington and the attitude of frontiersmen contrasted markedly. Eastern officialdom favored peaceful relations with the Indians, but the settlers, miners, and soldiers who came into contact with the Indians desired drastic solutions to the Indian problem. With both sides exerting pressure upon the government, procrastination became the accepted solution. Temporary policies, such as peace commissions, were formulated but they usually provided temporary solutions rather than a settlement of the overall racial conflict. Torn by dissension within its own ranks and goaded by its land hungry citizens, the government attempted to pacify the red men or to evade the Indian issue until conditions forced it to take a definite stand,

Thesis (M.Archit.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, 2007. / Indian architecture has its unique place in the architectural history of the world. It constantly inspires its people. It continues to fascinate many a tourist and thinker. It has a multi-layered, 4000 year old history with the Indus valley civilisation (approx. 2500 BeE) boasting of highly sophisticated space planning concepts. The progressive evolvement of Indian culture since then has seen further refinement of all its art-forms. The remnants of the built forms of such bygone eras hold immense architectural merit that makes a walk through any traditional town a meaningful memory, even today. If architecture is the reflection of culture, what should have been the richness of the culture that gave rise to such splendour in architecture! Yet, "In order to understand a culture, it is not enough to describe its buildings, but one wants to know the impulses that drove people to build them." (Ballantyne, 2004, 30). So then what were these impulses that drove the Indian people to create the stupendous architecture, the representations of which are marvelled at today? The main proposition of the dissertation is that the ancient Hindu concept of "Art as Experience" on which much of the conscious place-making by the Hindu people was based, evolved from profound metaphysical seeds that addressed the very basis of man's existence on earth. The research hopes to partially prove that the greatness of traditional Hindu architecture lies in its metaphysical moorings of Ultimate Reality and Ultimate Truth and in doing so understanding what Ultimate reality was in Indian philosophy and what bearing it had on Hindu architecture and addresses the questions of how traditional Indian Hindu architecture housed man: body, being and all within his unique context? How does Hindu architecture with its unique perception of man and his environment converse with universal perennials? What is the currect architectural scene in India? And what are the lessons that such a comparative study might teach one? The research tries to answer the above questions by looking in depth at the ancient Hindu architectural concept of "Art as Experience" that is believed to have given rise to the ancient Hindu architecture of India. Starting with examining Indian metaphysical constructs and within it the perception of known and unknown entities of reality; further exploring its relevance to architecture in terms of the role of body in architecture, the concept of micro and macrocosms, contextual appropriateness and the unique place that thresholds held in life, the research moves on to the role of an architect and the way in which the architecture created lent meaning to the everyday life of people, attempting to understand how ancient architecture was weaved into the lives of people and their beliefs. Further, some parallels with non-Indian architectural thought are discussed following which the need for a sensate environment for human beings to live in, the need for identity and meaning in architecture, the concept of place and culture as a generating force for architecture are also explored. Finally the current state of architecture in India is discussed. In the end, some lessons that could be learnt from history are enumerated that could help in creating architecture that integrates both the universal principles and the particularities of culture to bestow meaning and identity to the people it purports to serve. This research tries to examine the past to look for clues to a future of identifiable and authentic architecture - to bring the ancient and contemporary into the same framework in order to look for lessons within. Abstract submitted by Kshama Chari. S.no: 0514479E to Dept. of Architecture. University of Witwatersrand on 18 lui 2007.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in History. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [386]-425). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99176

Because the history of Indian-White relations in Canada has focussed mainly on the colonized Indians and ignored the impact of colonization on the White colonizers, it has simplified a complex affiliation which, clearly, had an impact on both groups while reducing Indian peoples to objects to be studied. By understanding the concept of a relationship involved in colonization, we can alternatively focus on the effects colonization had on both the large and small colonizers. Not only will a study of this type allow us to emphasize the once-ignored impact of colonization on the colonizers, it will also help to avoid the over-study of the Indian peoples in Canada. <p> Exploring the history of the Indian Homemaking Program, Extension Division, University of Saskatchewan, 1967-1972 is an excellent venue in which to perform such a study. The program, which involves White Extension Instructors travelling to Saskatchewan reserves to teach Indian women homemaking skills such as knitting and crocheting, sewing and food preparation, promoted informal cross-cultural education in a setting that was both relaxed and enjoyable. After speaking with Extension Instructors about their vast array of experiences with respect to the program, it is abundantly clear that their days in the program, and with Indian women, changed the way they saw and experienced Saskatchewan.

John McDougall, John Maclean and Egerton Young were Methodist missionaries among the Indians of Western Canada in the late nineteenth century and all published books based on their experiences. Contemporary readers of these stirring accounts of missionary valour would have been left with two main impressions. The first was that the Indian was clearly a member of a feeble, backward race. The second impression, however, was that the Indian could be saved from his nomadic, pagan life of ignorance, superstition and cruelty; through Christianity and education the Indian could be elevated so that, at some indefinite time in the future, he would be on an equal footing with his white brothers and could enjoy all the rights, burdens and privileges of citizenship. This interpretation of the Indians' past and future encouraged contributions to Christian mission work but it also assured the public that Canada was without doubt correct in entrusting the future of the Indians and their land to more enlightened capable hands. Writing of this kind is often found in societies where one group has imposed its will on another; a need arises among the dominant group to justify its actio s Through this writing, myths are created about subject people which sanction and sustain systems based on social inequality. The publications of McDougall,; Maclean and Young contributed to such a body of writing in Canada. Their perception of the Indians as an inferior race provided justification for removing them from their stewardship of the land. Their optimistic portraits of the glorious future in store for the Indians once they had been guided through a transition stage from "savagery to civilization" endorsed the supervision of their affairs by the more enlightened. The missionaries' caution that for an undetermined length of time the Indians would have to be "looked after" provided justification for a society based on the premise of inequality. <p> The introduction to this thesis is an assessment of missionary publications as a source and subject of historical inquiry; they must be approached with caution but they have a legitimate place nevertheless. The second chapter provides background on the work of the Wesleyan Methodists in Western Canada and the three missionary authors are introduced. The missionaries' arguments for the inferiority of the Indians are the subject of the third chapter. Judging the Indians by the standards of their own society, the missionaries found them backward as they left no marks of their presence on the land, did not understand the importance of private property and did not appreciate the value of time and money, The idolatry, ritualism and superstition associated with their spiritual beliefs were further proofs of a weak race. The missionaries perceived some virtues in Indian society, however, and these are presented in the fourth chapter. They acknowledged a primitive moral order, system of-education and justice in tribal society, and admired the superior sensory ability and oratorical skill of individual Indians. The missionaries made it clear, however, that these were inferior virtues, worthy of admiration only in a primitive society; the image of the Indian as backward remained. Chapter five describes the missionaries' portrayal of the glorious future available to the Indians once they had accepted Christianity. Juxtapos ing their evidence of the hideousness and degradation of the indians' former way of life, the missionaries presented startling proof of the transforming power of the Gospel. The concepts of Christianity and civilization were inextricably linked in their publi ations; the convert immediately acquired a new attitude toward his temporal welfare. The missionaries cautioned their readers that for the majority of Indians in Western Canada there would be a transition stage from "savagery to civilization" that could last for an undetermined length of time. This transition period is the subject of the sixth chapter. The Indian would be guided and protected by his elder and stronger brethren during the transition stage and could not expect, to enjoy fully the privileges of citizenship until this gap of centuries had been bridged. The seventh is a concluding chapter.

Kandyan Kingdom