The dominant movement in Urdu fiction today is Modernism. During the decade of the sixties Modernism replaced the preceding Progressive Movement which had been popular from the mid-thirties to the early fifties. Critics and authors alike in the fifties asserted that the Progressive Movement had become dogmatic and dictatorial. Progressive writers' stories, they said, were journalistic and written according to a politically prescribed formula. The critics felt that this had resulted in the stagnation of Urdu literature, and they called for a new literary movement. After a short-lived attempt by some writers to start an "Islamic Literature" movement, Modernism began as a reaction against the efforts of both the Progressives and the supporters of "Islamic Literature" to dictate a group-oriented "purpose literature" according to non-literary, ideological criteria. Modernism was intended to broaden the content and form of literature, particularly those aspects of it which had been ignored or actively proscribed by the previous movement. The new movement encouraged an inward turn in subject and a move away from realistic, mimetic fiction towards a greater experimentation in form. The latter included the use of a stream of consciousness technique, surrealism, fantasy, myth, symbolism, and innovations in narrative structure which in Western literary criticism would be called examples of "spatial form." The inward turn in subject resulted in both a "search for self" and a concern for the causes of a perceived "decline of values" in the modern world. The inward turn in the subject of the story dominates in the first half of the sixties; the intense experimentation with form prevails in the latter half of the decade. By the seventies, Modernism had become an established movement. The techniques introduced in the sixties were no longer experimental, but a developed and accepted repertoire which could be freely drawn upon to express a variety of subjects, including social and political as well as "existential" themes. The Modernist Movement began in the cities of Lahore and Delhi with the authors Intizar Husain, Enver Sajjad, Surendra Prakash and Balraj Mainra. It gained strength both in geographical area and in the numbers of authors described as Modernists throughout the sixties, reaching its height in the period between 1968 and 1971. After a period of relative stagnation in the early seventies, during which Modernist literature was described as having itself become formulaic, it has begun to grow again with the addition of a new generation of younger writers in the later seventies.

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This dissertation examines the Sikh diaspora's role in the effort to carve a separate Sikh state--Khalistan--out of territory that presently constitutes the Indian Punjab. While many scholars note the involvement of overseas Sikhs in the Khalistan movement, the campaign for Sikh sovereignty has not been universally endorsed and a broad continuum of opinion exists within the diaspora regarding self-determination. Moreover, there have been various disputes regarding ideology and strategy even between pro-Khalistan factions that share the common goal of secession. Internecine conflict within the pro-Khalistan bloc has thus served to undermine its legitimacy within the larger diasporan Sikh community and in the international political arena. This raises the following inter-related questions that form the focus of this study: Why is the Khalistan coalition so weak, given its constituent members' consensus on the ultimate goal of secession? Why do pro-Khalistan groups that possess a common adversary (the Indian state) choose competition over cooperation given that the latter would be more expedient in realizing their political objectives? In addressing this, I draw upon the literature on exile politics and formulate a social movement type that I classify as a Separatist Diasporan Movement (SDM). I define an SDM as a coalition of political organizations comprising coethnics of migrant origin that: (1) sustains a strong attachment to their homeland, (2) maintains numerous networks among coethnics in other countries, and (3) seeks to create a separate homeland out of territory that forms part of an existing state because of real or imagined feelings of persecution. I further argue that because they lack institutionalized legitimacy and the instruments of state power, SDMs are intrinsically unstable entities whose authority is contested and re-contested from both within and without. In supporting my argument, I examine the rhetoric and political tactics employed by Khalistani groups in Great Britain, Canada, and the United States. Data was obtained through fieldwork in the three countries, a variety of primary sources, and pro-Khalistan websites. My findings indicate that the schisms that emerged within the Khalistan SDM result from this absence of a unanimously-recognized authority and the persistence of conflicting pre-coalition identities. / text

This thesis is a comparative study of the educational reforms initiated by the Aligarh and Muhammadiyah movements in India and Indonesia respectively. It covers three main points: Ahmad Khan's and Ahmad Dahlan's educational philosophy; the educational system of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAOC) and Muhammadiyah schools; and the impact of the educational reforms of the two movements to Muslim education in general in the two countries. As will be explained in this thesis, Ahmad Khan and Ahmad Dahlan were deeply concerned with economic and social problems faced by the Muslims due to colonial policies. Both scholars came to the conviction that education was one of the most important ways to solve those problems. The two scholars, therefore, each contrived to design a new system of education for Muslims, which would produce graduates capable of meeting the new demands of the changing socio-political context while retaining their faith. Their ideas were eventually realized in the establishment of the MAOC and the Muhammadiyah schools, respectively. Even though these two institutions were unable to satisfy all Muslim aspirations, they succeeded in making Muslims in India and Indonesia aware of the need for pragmatic education, which was to contribute to the empowerment of Muslims in the colonial era.

In 1917, a mere thirty years before India gained independence from Britain, Indians were alIowed into the officer corps of the colonial Indian Army, thus initiating its " Indianization ". Yet, as an issue of British military policy, Indianization had been debated for a hundred years before 1917. This thesis delineates the contours of that debate, the myriad schemes for Indianization that it engendered, the reasons for the faHure of each of these, as weIl as the reasons why the bar on Indians in the Indian Army's officer corps was finally broken. In analysing the debate, attention will be paid to factors that influenced and channelled the discussions. The most important of these were: Anglo-Indian strategies of Imperial politics, such as the need to seek out and collaborate with certain sections of Indian society as a means of holding India to the Empire; British ideological and intellectual formulations, such as the "Gentleman-Ideal" and the Martial Races theory; and Indian political developments, such as the emergence of Indian public opinion and nationalism .

The British colonial administration in India transformed Muslim law in the nineteenth century through the three concurrent processes of translation, legislation, and adjudication. Although Indian Muslims were gradually displaced in their traditional position as interpreters of that law in the role of muftis, discerning and applying the shari'ah according to Hanafi principles of fiqh, they nonetheless played a vital role in the transformation of Muslim law. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Muslim participation became more noticeable and significant as they moved into increasingly influential positions in the British judicial administration. Syed Mahmood (1850-1903) was a pioneer in this movement, being one of the first Indian Muslims to study law and become a barrister in England, being the first non-European member of the Allahabad Bar, and being the first Indian Muslim appointed to any High Court in British India. During his tenure as judge of the High Court at Allahabad, he wrote numerous judgments on matters of civil law, including matters which the British regime had determined were to be governed by Muslim law, or rather, by the amalgam of Muslim and English law called "Anglo-Mohammedan law" into which it had been transformed. He understood certain aspects Muslim law, especially criminal law and laws of evidence, to have been abrogated by British law in India, but stoutly resisted the incursion of English law and promoted the acceptance of Muslim law as the customary law in other areas. His critique of the British administration of justice in India and his persistent independence of thought while serving on the High Court brought him into conflict with his fellow judges. He was eventually forced to resign in 1892, but his recorded judgments in the Indian Law Reports continued to provide an authoritative exposition of Muslim law for succeeding generations of jurists. In addition to elucidating the transformation of Muslim law

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In 1857, hostilities broke out against the ‘rule’ of the East India Company (EIC) in northern India.Measures to suppress the hostilities, known as the 'Mutiny', 'Rebellion' or 'War' of 1857', included legislation enacted by the EIC's Government of India criminalising 'rebellion' and 'waging war' and establishing temporary civil and military commissions. From 1857 to 1859, the Government of India tried soldiers and civilians, including the last Mughal Emperor, the King of Delhi Bahadur Shah II, for their conduct during the hostilities. The law and trials have not previously been the subject of study. his thesis assesses the validity, according to the international law of the time, of the trial by military commission of the King of Delhi in 1858. The research and writing of this study is original for no review of the trial according to international law has previously been attempted. (For complete abstract open the document)

This thesis presents research that subscribes to the broader theme of the Economic History of South Asia from 1891 to 2009. First, Chapter 2 shows that the Partition induced expulsion of religious minorities reduced school provision in Pakistan. The effect of minorities is explained by their education, occupational structure and their contribution towards local social capital. Then, Chapter 3 examines how areas affected by the Partition fare in terms of long-run agricultural development in India. It finds that areas that received more displaced migrants after Partition perform better in terms of crop yields, are more likely to take up of high yielding varieties (HYV) of seeds, and are more likely to use agricultural technologies. It highlights the superior educational status of the migrants as a potential pathway for the observed effects. Next, Chapter 4 shows that the agricultural productivity shock induced by the adoption of HYV of seeds reduced infant mortality across districts in India. It uses data on the characteristics of children and mothers in the sample to show that it was children born to mothers whose characteristics generally correlate with higher child mortality, children born in rural areas, boys, children born in rice and wheat producing districts and children born in poorer households who benefit more from HYV adoption. Furthermore, Chapter 5 shows that baseline differences in irrigation prior to the adoption of HYV are associated with differences in the growth of yields after adoption. It explores the relationship between irrigation and yields over time to uncover potential mechanisms for the observed relationship. Finally, Chapter 6 empirically investigates the relationship between religious shrines and literacy in the Punjab province of Pakistan.