On the broadest level this dissertation makes a methodological statement about the design of regional research in archaeology, especially for Cultural Resource Management. It advocates by example a revised concept and set of requirements for regional research design. This revision views regional research design as something different from project-specific design. Regional research design requires the archaeologist focus on the total research potential of a region, rather than those problems that fascinate an individual. The regional research design resembles an overview in taking this perspective, but differs by providing an archaeological research program. This program specifies how the potential of an area relates to the coordination of research effort between projects, the assessment of archaeological significance and the integration of small projects. At no time is the regional research design a cookbook. It can never realize the unique potential of a specific project, nor specify exact techniques for field work. A regional research design for southwestern Arizona provides the empirical illustration of the revised concept and requirements. As is typical of most CRM research, this area does not equate to either a physiographic or cultural unit but rather results from the Bureau of Land Management and the National Forest Service's division of Arizona into Class I overview units. The core of this research design is a synthesis of the environment, ethnography, and archaeology of the region. This synthesis and an historical consideration of archaeological research in the area provides the basis for identifying the major scientific issues which archaeologists have (or can) addressed in the region. This leads to the development of a research program for southwestern Arizona. The research program specifies a minimal representative data set that all projects in the region should collect.

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This study focuses on the wealth stratification system of the Navajo of the Kaibeto Plateau. The Kaibeto Plateau was settled by the Navajo in the mid-nineteenth century. By the 1930s they had developed an economically and socially stratified society rooted in a livestock economy and influenced by institutions of the surrounding society. In the years since livestock activities have been severely constrained by the federal government: Holdings have been radically decreased and pastoralism has ceased to be the main source of income and subsistence. These changes are described and analyzed. Wealth stratification is conceived of as a phenomenon to be explained and one which has implications for the study of social change. In the 1930s a handful of families owned most of the livestock in the region. These families were, uniformly, descendants of the wealthier and more prominent early settlers. Even after federal programs destroyed the economic advantage these wealthy families possessed, the children of the relatively wealthy have, at least until recent years, continued to prosper (relative to their poorer neighbors) in various ways. They have, on average, higher levels of educational attainment and better occupational profiles. The different responses of individuals at different levels in the social hierarchy have effected the composition of the rural population. More descendants of the wealthy have moved away and/or married individuals from distant communities. Social structures which functioned in the livestock economy to integrate families in the region have disintegrated. The chapter has emerged as an important social and political unit. Although the wealthy families seemed to have dominated chapter politics initially, recent elections indicate a declining influence. The historical facts reported here indicate the importance of social variability in the study of social change. It is argued that the Navajo were never a socially homogeneous group. Thus institutional pressures and shifting government policies have not affected all families in the same manner. Such findings have implications not only for the way in which anthropologists theorize about tribal people and social change, but also have implications for those responsible government officials who seek to formulate solutions to perceived problems on contemporary American Indian reservations.

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"The volume includes an introduction by Emil Haury who places the work along Cienega Creek in historical perspective. . . . Eddy and Cooley's work stands as an excellent example of multidisciplinary research in archaeology."—American Antiquity

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The architecture of the modern Hopi pueblo of Oraibi provides important data for the interpretation of prehistoric villages in the American Southwest and elsewhere. Using historic photographs, maps, and other documents, architectural change at Oraibi is examined over a period of almost 80 years, from the early 1870s to 1948, a span that includes an episode of population growth and a substantial and rapid population decline. Because archaeologists make extensive use architecture for a variety of types of prehistoric reconstructions, from population size to social organization, understanding the dynamics of puebloan architecture is important. This study offers several principals which condition architectural dynamics in pueblo-like structures in the Southwest and in other parts of the world. Four types of architectural change are identified at Oraibi: rooms were abandoned, dismantled, rebuilt, and newly constructed. Some changes were the result of the introduction of EuroAmerican technology and governmental policies. An increase in the rate of architectural change, especially new construction and rebuilding, suggests that population was increasing during the late 19th century. Patterns of settlement growth involved both the expansion of existing houses and the construction of new houses. Oraibi architecture, with contiguous rows of houses, may have restricted the development of extended families. After the 1906 Oraibi split, half the population left the village, and in the following decades, population continued to decline. Abandoned houses were often rebuilt and reoccupied by remaining residents. The number of rooms per house declined, especially upper story rooms. The areas of the settlement that continued to be occupied or were reoccupied were those around important ceremonial areas, such as the Main Plaza. The examination of architecture at historic Oraibi supplies links between social processes and architectural dynamics that are applicable to the prehistoric record. Patterns of intra-household architectural change and of settlement growth and abandonment, observed at Oraibi, provide keys to the investigation of similar processes at prehistoric sites.

This study examines problems involved in the management of chronic illness and disability in cross-cultural contexts. It specifically looks at conflicts between different belief systems and different discourse practices in cross-cultural communication between Tohono O'odham (Pagago) families of children with disabilities and non-Indian service providers. The discourse practices through which cultural knowledge is represented in face-to-face interaction, and the range of beliefs and practices which constitute cultural knowledge, are investigated sign ethnographic methods which emphasize a discourse-centered study of meaning and interaction. Utilizing information from participant observation, open-ended interviews, and naturally-occurring speech from a variety of interactional settings, the research focuses on both inter- and intra-cultural variation in knowledge and discourse. The major findings are: (1) a system of beliefs and practices about cause, prevention and treatment of serious illness exists in O'odham communities which differs significantly from the biomedical system within which medical and educational services to children with disabilities is provided; (2) intracultural variation exists in O'odham communities between language and knowledge held by specialists and lay people; and (3) the major genres used by O'odham people to provide information differ significantly from the formats routinely used by service providers to elicit information.

The human skeletal remains from Grasshopper Ruin, Arizona, constitute an excellent series for the study of growth and development. A total of 390 subadults, fetal through 18 years of age, have been recovered, in a mortality distribution comparable to that observed in most anthropological populations. Children are extremely sensitive to metabolic upsets during the growth process, and an individual's history of illness is often recorded in his bones and teeth. This research is concerned with reading this record and developing a picture of the biological quality of life during pueblo occupation. On the whole, incidence of skeletal stress markers is low. Just 145 children have one or more markers, indicating a low disease load for the subadult community. Based on ethnographic and clinical records of disease among Southwestern Indians, it is believed that most children without visible stress markers were victims of common and virulent gastrointestinal and upper respiratory infections. Those children with stress markers appear to have been subject to underlying morbid conditions (parasitism, dietary deficiencies) which would have intensified the effects of infectious diseases. In order to determine whether a particular sector of the community was at greater risk, the skeletal sample is partitioned into temporal and spatial groups. The impetus for this analysis derives from a long-standing archaeological research focus: the factors precipitating abandonment. Most evidence points to an environmental change and subsequent shortfall in the normal food supply. Behavioral responses to this stress have been documented, but until this research, no direct measure of the effect on pueblo inhabitants had been devised. Differences in stress marker frequency among temporal groups reveal no clear pattern. When spatial groups are analyzed, children from outliers are found to have significantly greater prevalence of Harris lines, implying a pervasive, recurring stress. These findings are interpreted in light of the unique temporal and spatial placement of outliers, and are believed to be due to a combination of factors including depletion of resources, differential access to resources, and increasing contamination of site environs.