In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.

Este artículo examina el desarrollo del gas natural y sus implicacionespara las comunidades indígenas guaraníes, en el sudeste deBolivia. Durante la década de 1990, el gobierno boliviano llevó acabo una serie de medidas neoliberales encaminadas a facilitar laexportación de hidrocarburos y a atraer la inversión internacionalpara la explotación del gas y el petróleo. Las protestas sobre elmanejo y la distribución de los beneficios derivados del gas naturalcontribuyeron directamente a la elección de Evo Morales, el primerpresidente indígena de Bolivia. Sin embargo, y a pesar del discursoindigenista de Morales y sus partidarios, la producción del gas haperjudicado a los grupos indígenas de los llanos del este, quienesson impactados directamente por las actividades extractivas. Esteartículo examina el caso de los guaraníes de la Tierra Comunitariade Origen (TCO) Itika Guasu, en el departamento de Tarija,donde se encuentra el ‘megacampo’ de gas Margarita de Repsol.Se propone que la explotación del gas en territorio guaraní ha sidocaracterizado por una carencia de consulta previa y participaciónreal de las poblaciones afectadas. / This article examines the implications of natural gas developmentfor Guaraní indigenous communities in southeastern Bolivia. Duringthe 1990s, the Bolivian government enacted a series of neoliberalreforms designed to attract international investment for natural gasand petroleum exploitation and to facilitate the export of hydrocarbons.Protests over the management and distribution of the benefitsderived from natural gas contributed diretly to the election of EvoMorales, Bolivia´s first indigenous president. Nevertheless, anddespite the pro-indigenous discourse of Morales and his MAS (Movementto Socialism) party, gas production has had negative effectsfor indigenous peoples in Bolivia´s Chaco region, who are directlyimpacted by extractive activities. This article examines the case ofthe Guaraní people of the Tierra Comunitaria de Orígen (OriginaryCommunal Land, TCO) Itika Guasu, in Tarija department, whereRepsol´s Margarita ´mega-field´ is located. It is argued here thatgas exploitation in Guaraní territory has been conducted withoutadequate prior consultation or meaningful participation of thepopulations affected.