Urban spaces are an increasingly common indigenous reality, and while urban spaces often involve great social and geographic distances from traditional communities, many urban populations have built vibrant communities in cities. This thesis will examine the creation of Métis cultural spaces in Winnipeg, Manitoba, as a community building strategy. It is situated in thirteen in-depth interviews with Métis community builders conducted in Winnipeg over the Summer of 2008. The Winnipeg Metis community is rhizomatic in makeup, situated not in geographic locations, but in the networks of instantaneous and spontaneous social interaction of community members and institutions—elders, political organizations and governance structures. Rhizomatic space is a form of social organization, which emerges out of everyday social life, and because it is only observable during the brief instances of human interaction, it is nearly invisible to outsiders and thus difficult to colonize. It is also a primary means by which Métis people are reclaiming space in their traditional homeland on the Red River. This paper theorizes an alternative tactic to resistance through a decentered form of political organization, grounded in the community and its organic institutions. It proposes that the everyday creation of social and cultural spaces in urban centres is an effective way to build urban indigenous communities with minimal interference or involvement of the State, and that this develops more or less organically without the need for bureaucratic oversight. The paper concludes that the everyday creation of rhizomatic space is a highly effective means of community building and resistance. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2009-08-20 19:43:50.279

The direction of this research is directed by the question ‘How well is co-management working?’ within the context of the arrangements between government agencies and an Indigenous organization. The Girringun Aboriginal Corporation represents the interests of nine Traditional Owner groups and has been involved in working through regional natural resources and protected areas partnerships with government over many years. These partnerships include an Indigenous ranger unit, Australia’s first Traditional Use of Marine Resources Agreement, and the plans for an Indigenous Protected Area, which will be the first over a mainstream multi-tenure area, as well as the first to incorporate both land and sea country. Girringun country is located in Northern Queensland Australia, at the coastal interface of the Wet Tropics and Great Barrier Reef eco regions, which are World Heritage Areas represented by their respective authorities. Other tenures include public freehold lands, State forests and reserves, and National parks.

The direction of this research is directed by the question ‘How well is co-management working?’ within the context of the arrangements between government agencies and an Indigenous organization. The Girringun Aboriginal Corporation represents the interests of nine Traditional Owner groups and has been involved in working through regional natural resources and protected areas partnerships with government over many years. These partnerships include an Indigenous ranger unit, Australia’s first Traditional Use of Marine Resources Agreement, and the plans for an Indigenous Protected Area, which will be the first over a mainstream multi-tenure area, as well as the first to incorporate both land and sea country. Girringun country is located in Northern Queensland Australia, at the coastal interface of the Wet Tropics and Great Barrier Reef eco regions, which are World Heritage Areas represented by their respective authorities. Other tenures include public freehold lands, State forests and reserves, and National parks.

The barrage of negative media reports coupled with reactionary federal legislation have led many Canadians to believe that most First Nation governments are corrupt. Although systematic evidence of widespread corruption has yet to materialize, governance problems in some First Nations communities do exist. With the majority of First Nations operating under the band governance system imposed by the Indian Act, political troubles are often attributed to this law. Despite the fact the Indian Act creates conditions for governance problems to occur, other First Nations have resisted its enticement and operate sound administrations. Nations like these influenced this study. To understand and explain how First Nations achieve and maintain effective governance, conversations took place with First Nations leaders, administrators, Elders and community members in Alberta and BC. The study was conducted using an Indigenous-Qualitative approach where the qualitative aspect involved a grounded theory methodology. Findings show that effective First Nations governance involves an inter-related journey consisting of four phases: motivators of change, visions of effective governance, actions to support effective governance and the maintenance of governance improvements. Every phase in the journey is profoundly shaped by the legacy of colonization. Political problems caused by the legacy motivate change, the journey is guided by visions to recover from the legacy and actions are taken to improve legacy-related governance problems. The power of colonization is particularly evident at the maintenance stage of the journey where legacy-related influences stifle political change and help keep the status quo in place. This observation led to the following hypothesis: First Nations that wish to achieve and maintain effective governance must navigate the legacy of colonization. Colonization creates obstacles that must be carefully navigated if effective First Nations governance is to be achieved. It is amazing that many First Nations leaders have been able to stickhandle their way through these obstacles and achieve some measure of effective governance. These leaders are to be commended for their skills, strength and determination. However, in the absence of decolonization, strong economies, self-government and the restoration of certain traditions, the efforts of these leaders will be lost. / Graduate / terryfox@uvic.ca

This thesis examines Nuu-chah-nulth economic development and the changing nature of the relationships within our territories - the Ha’hoolthlii of our Ha’wiih - since Europeans first arrived and the occupation of our lands and waters by Settlers. I explore the implications of these changing relationships on Nuu-chah-nulth identity and our relational obligations within a worldview that understands that Heshookish tsawalk – “Everything is one.” I take a process-oriented perspective on identity beginning with the premise that living Nuu-chah-nulth-aht is more powerful and significant than simply being Nuu-chah-nulth. The recent proliferation of controversial economic development activities within Nuu-chah-nulth territories has spurred my interests in these issues. The form of economic development has some key characteristics that concern me. The first is that the economic development projects under way are of a particularly harmful and unsustainable nature. The second is the emerging trend of Nuu-chah-nulth partnerships in these ventures, epitomizing what I characterize as Aboriginal economic development. Instead of opposing development that threatens our traditional and adaptive practices, we are now involved as proponents and participants. To my surprise, these trends are not merely recent manifestations, but go back all the way to the arrival of Captain James Cook on our shores in the eighteenth century. At the heart of my research is our historically extensive participation in the various coastal commercial fisheries that have dramatically declined in recent decades. The purpose of this thesis is to create greater understanding of our present predicaments, re-evaluate our sense of agency, and encourage further critical debate on the potentially harmful economic development projects that will allow us to re-evaluate and heal our relationships within our territories.

Worldwide marine ecosystems are facing unprecedented threats, and the biodiversity crisis is paralleled by a decline in Indigenous cultures and languages. Increasingly, Indigenous peoples’ abilities to practice their traditional livelihoods and cultures are reduced, but there are many examples of cultural resurgence. My thesis was based on a collaboration for marine conservation planning for Tl’ches between the Songhees Nation and researchers from the University of Victoria. The primary objectives for my thesis were to 1) to document the Songhees marine conservation planning process, and compare it to systematic conservation planning to outline the similarities, differences, and highlight the uniqueness of an Indigenous-led planning approach and 2) to systematically document and integrate culturally significant species and their habitats into the Songhees stewardship vision for the marine use plan. I achieved my first objective by systematically documenting and showcasing the Indigenous-led marine conservation planning process of the Songhees Nation to reclaim and further stewardship over the Tl’ches archipelago near Victoria, BC. I ascribed process steps to the Songhees marine conservation planning approach and compared these steps to the traditional systematic conservation planning (SCP) steps as laid out by Pressey and Bottrill (2009). The Songhees approach showed similarities to SCP in the initial scoping phase of the marine conservation planning, in the review and compiling of existing data prior to the collection of data as well as the focus on focal species such as culturally important species. My second objective was accomplished by applying and evaluating the remotely operated vehicle (ROV) Trident OpenROV as part of the Songhees marine conservation planning process around Tl’ches. This objective had three main outcomes: 1) I evaluated the marine ecological data collection capabilities for the Trident and 2) my surveys resulted in a systematic benthos classification and documentation of the algal community as well as a baseline of Songhees culturally important species. 3) I evaluated the ability of the Trident to provide high resolution ecological data to inform a marine use planning process. I found the Trident to be a capable tool to conduct systematic marine surveying despite some limitations such as low maneuverability in moderate to high current environments and dense kelp areas. I was able to document 14 of 25 culturally important species and 28 species of algae and seaweeds. I was also able to establish highly stressed environments suited for future restoration efforts. My research saw the creation of the Songhees Nation Marine Use Plan. The plan, along with the associated permanent data collection and compilation, can serve as a basis and guide to the Songhees Nation to initiate a monitoring program. Given the complicated jurisdictional landscape over the archipelago, the Songhees Nation Marine Use Plan could help strengthen assertions to exclusive stewardship and aid in creating a basis for dialogue between other stakeholders such as the Province of British Columbia. My collaboration fills a gap in the marine conservation planning literature by providing an example of an Indigenous-led marine conservation planning process according to the priorities of the Songhees Nation. / Graduate

This thesis explores the nature of tribal service provision, in particular the characteristics that distinguish tribal provider services. An indigenous research paradigm, Mäori philosophical traditions and tribal histories provide the context for researching and theorising about the three tribal organisations upon which this study is based. The thesis argues that tribal authorities emerged not only as a response to state policies of devolution but also as ongoing expressions of self-determination. How tribal organisational bureaucracies were established historically provides the context for examining the interface between tribal organisations and the state. In particular, specific historical events leading up to the 1840 annexation of New Zealand by Britain that demonstrate British assumptions of authority, humanitarian ideals and interventions by state functionaries in the affairs of New Zealand.A discussion on the nature of the state as the basis for Eurocentric bias in modern constitutionalism offers a platform for understanding the art of government. Four interconnecting themes give a systematic basis for exploring the distinctive characteristics of tribal provider services that emerged as significant in this study; 'ngä mahi a ngä tangata' examines advocacy, responsiveness and relevancy. 'Ngä mahi mä te iwi' considers how links to the Mäori communities are constituted relative to whänau, hapü and marae. 'Ngä mahi a ngä tipuna' explores how culture counts and the place of Mäori culture and traditions in the workplace. 'Ngä mahi tuara' examines cultural frameworks located within Mäori philosophical and customary practices and traditions.Finally, an analysis is given of the contracting environment and the counterstrategies employed by the participants in this study in countering the limitations imposed by the terms of state contracts.

This study challenges a popular Canadian national myth that characterizes Settlers as "benevolent" peacemakers - not perpetrators of violence in our relations with Indigenous peoples. I trace this foundational myth from its historical roots in 19th century treatymaking to a contemporary discourse of reconciliation that purports to be transformative, but simply perpetuates colonial relations. I argue that Settler violence against Indigenous peoples is woven into the fabric of Canada's national history in an unbroken thread from past to present that we must "unsettle" and "restory." making substantive space for Indigenous history: counternarratives of diplomacy, law and peacemaking practices, on transformative pathways to decolonizing Canada. This requires a better understanding of what role myth, ritual and history play in perpetuating or transforming Indigenous-Settler conflict. I propose a pedagogical strategy for "unsettling the Settler within" to explore the unsettling, potentially decolonizing and transformative power of testimony in public acts of restitution, apology. truth-telling and remembrance; and restorying- the making of space for Indigenous history. diplomacy. law, and peacemaking practices enacted in story, ceremony and ritual. I suggest that Settlers must confront our real identity as perpetrators - a deeply unsettling task. Dislodging the false premise of the benevolent peacemaker myth requires a paradigm shift that moves Settlers from a culture of denial that is the hallmark of perpetrators of violence towards an ethics of recognition that guides our attempts to become authentic peacemakers and Indigenous allies. The study mirrors this process. linking theory to my own critical. reflective practice. I critique reconciliation discourse in a case study of Canada's approach to settling Indian residential school claims. I describe my personal experience in an apology feast held for Gitxsan residential school survivors as an example of unsettling the Settler within and restorying that, despite its specificity, has broader applicability for designing truth-telling and reconciliation processes.

Taking the stance that, in order to combat colonization at a fundamental level, it is necessary to understand the social and personal motivations behind colonial actions, this thesis is an explicit study of the hidden psycho-social workings of the colonial members of Settler Canada. This thesis, through an examination of literature critically engaged with historic and contemporary imperialism and colonialism, attempts to develop a description of the "colonial mentality" within the Settler society of contemporary Canada. Having developed this description. this thesis explores the existence of these colonial mentalities in the works of several prominent Canadian political theorists - Alan Cairns, Will Kymlicka, and Patrick Macklem - in order to demonstrate that these theories are motivated by and reinforce colonial and imperial thought. Finally, this thesis will synthesize the works of several radical Settler theorists, including Richard Day and Paulette Regan, in order to demonstrate that alternatives to the colonial project can and do exist for Settler peoples.

The academic community and government agencies are increasingly recognizing how Indigenous knowledge can enrich environmental monitoring and inform adaptation in complex social-ecological systems. Indeed, Indigenous peoples have been monitoring, managing, and adapting to their environments for thousands of years. Despite the impacts of ongoing colonialism, many Indigenous peoples continue to monitor and exert their knowledge and governance systems through ongoing use and relationship with their traditional territories. This Master’s research grew from the Gitga’at First Nation’s Oceans and Lands Department desire to formally include the knowledge and observations of their land and sea users as part of contemporary stewardship initiatives. The primary objective of this research was to provide a framework for an ongoing monitoring system based in the observations and knowledge of Gitga’at harvesters. In order to meet this objective, I asked three main research questions: 1. How has Indigenous knowledge interacted with environmental monitoring initiatives, and what are characteristics of effective and self-sustaining monitoring initiatives that engage Indigenous knowledge?; 2. What methods of Indigenous knowledge documentation and communication are best suited to the needs and objectives of the Gitga’at First Nation?; and 3. How does ongoing use and occupancy of Gitga’at territory inform community-based monitoring? I first conducted a review of the literature on Indigenous knowledge and environmental monitoring to explore the ways in which Indigenous peoples and their knowledges have been engaged in other monitoring initiatives. I found that Indigenous knowledge has been engaged in a number of ways ranging from traditional land-based activities providing holistic social-ecological monitoring indicators, to the employment of Indigenous field technicians for externally-drive monitoring initiatives. Effective projects involved high degrees of community participation or direction; were built on partnerships based on trust and respect for various knowledge systems; used multiple methods to document and communicate Indigenous knowledge; and had institutional links between monitoring and management bodies. To answer my second research question, I followed a participatory case study approach in partnership with Gitga’at co-researchers. We began with informal interviews with 36 knowledge holders to gauge interest in the project and to establish monitoring objectives. These were followed by two community meetings and 12 workshops to design methods for documenting their observations. We then iteratively designed and tested these methods over the course of two traditional harvest seasons. We interviewed 23 participants following the spring 2017 harvest season and 27 after the fall/winter 2017 harvest season. We also conducted 4 semi-structured interviews with department leaders to ensure that the information gathered was meeting the needs of the Gitga’at Oceans and Lands Department, Treaty Negotiators, the Hartley Bay School and the Gitga’at Health Department. Key outcomes are a harvest logbook, and an interview guide to be administered by community researchers following each harvest season. To answer my third research question, I conducted a conceptual framework analysis on the notes and transcripts taken while designing and testing a monitoring program based in the observations and knowledge of Gitga’at land and sea users. An interconnected set of social-ecological concepts and indicators that are monitored by Gitga’at harvesters emerged. The framework I developed based on conversations about Gitga’at monitoring through harvesting activities highlights the importance of maintaining and revitalizing Indigenous knowledge and harvesting practices in order to continue social-ecological monitoring, as well as opportunities for scientific approaches to situate themselves within Indigenous frameworks and priorities. This research provides the Gitga’at First Nation with foundations from which to pursue ongoing documentation of observations and knowledge produced through harvesting activities as a form of social-ecological monitoring. It also serves as a guide for other Indigenous nations that wish to embark on similar initiatives. Amidst discussions of marine and coastal resource co-management in British-Columbia and Indigenous resurgence, this research adds to the literature that re-enforces the importance of Indigenous governance and access to their lands and waters, and the continuation of Indigenous relationships to the land and sea in order to inform social-ecological monitoring for the benefit of all. / Graduate