O presente trabalho tem como objetivo principal analisar a participação dos componentes da renda domiciliar per capita, tais como renda do trabalho, renda de aposentarias e pensões públicas e não públicas, aluguel, doações e outros rendimentos para a redução da desigualdade de renda brasileira no período 2002-2008 e nos subperíodos 2002-2004 e 2004- 2008. Para tanto, utilizou-se a PNAD (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios) e as metodologias de decomposição por componente de renda, desenvolvida por Pyatt, Chen e Fei (1980), e decomposição por efeito-composição e efeito-concentração, adaptada por Hoffmann (2006) e Soares (2006). Além disso, é realizada uma análise de inferência estatística seguindo a proposta de Kakwani, Wagstaff, Doorslaer (1997). Os principais resultados encontrados apontam que no período 2002-2008 a redução do índice de Gini foi estatisticamente significativa ao nível de 5%, assim sendo o nível de desigualdade observado no último ano foi o menor de todo o período analisado (0,5415). Observou-se que, com exceção da região Centro-Oeste, houve redução da concentração de renda em todas as regiões brasileiras, embora em menor intensidade na região Nordeste. Na análise sob o ponto de vista racial, verificou-se que disparidade de renda dentro dos grupos dos não brancos e dos brancos foi atenuada em aproximadamente 6,4%. A renda do trabalho foi o fator mais relevante para explicar a queda da desigualdade de renda no Brasil ao longo do período 2002-2008. Outros Rendimentos (no qual estão incluídos os programas de transferência de renda) tiveram uma participação mais expressiva na redução da disparidade de renda dentro dos grupos considerados mais carentes tais como a região Nordeste e Norte, os não brancos e, sobretudo, os não brancos da região Nordeste. Contudo a contribuição desse rendimento é maior no subperíodo 2002-2004 do que no subperíodo 2004-2008. Foi constatado também que no subperíodo 2004-2008 (depois da Reforma da Previdência Pública Social) as aposentadorias e pensões públicas responderam por aproximadamente 20% da queda da desigualdade total. / This work aims at analyzing the participation of components of household income per capita, such as labor income, retirement income, public pension income and non-public pension income, rent, donations and others incomes to reduce income inequality in Brazil during the period 2002-2008 and sub periods 2002-2004 and 2004-2008. It was used the PNAD (Brazilian National Household Survey) and the methodologies of the decomposition by income component developed by Pyatt, Chen and Fei (1980) and decomposition by composition effect and concentration effect proposal by Hoffmann (2006) and Smith (2006b). Moreover, it’s realized an analysis of statistical inference following the proposal of Kakwani, Wagstaff, Doorslaer (1997). The main results indicate that in the period 2002-2008 the reduction in the Gini coefficient was statistically significant at 5%, therefore the level of inequality observed in the last year was the smallest of the whole period (0.5415). It was observed that, except for the Midwest region, there was a reduction of income concentration in all Brazilian regions, although to a lesser extent in the Northeast. In the analysis from the perspective of race, it was found that income disparity within groups of non-whites and whites was approximately 6.4%. Labor income was the most important factor to explain the fall in income inequality in Brazil over the period 2002-2008. Other Incomes (which includes the income transfer programs) had a more significant contribution in reducing the income disparity within the groups considered most in need such as the Northeast and North, nonwhites and especially non-whites in the Northeast region. However the contribution of this income is higher in sub period 2002-2004 than in sub period 2004-2008. It was also confirmed that the sub period 2004-2008 (after the Public Social Security Reform) pensions and public pensions accounted for approximately 20% of the decrease of total inequality.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo principal analisar a participação dos componentes da renda domiciliar per capita, tais como renda do trabalho, renda de aposentarias e pensões públicas e não públicas, aluguel, doações e outros rendimentos para a redução da desigualdade de renda brasileira no período 2002-2008 e nos subperíodos 2002-2004 e 2004- 2008. Para tanto, utilizou-se a PNAD (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios) e as metodologias de decomposição por componente de renda, desenvolvida por Pyatt, Chen e Fei (1980), e decomposição por efeito-composição e efeito-concentração, adaptada por Hoffmann (2006) e Soares (2006). Além disso, é realizada uma análise de inferência estatística seguindo a proposta de Kakwani, Wagstaff, Doorslaer (1997). Os principais resultados encontrados apontam que no período 2002-2008 a redução do índice de Gini foi estatisticamente significativa ao nível de 5%, assim sendo o nível de desigualdade observado no último ano foi o menor de todo o período analisado (0,5415). Observou-se que, com exceção da região Centro-Oeste, houve redução da concentração de renda em todas as regiões brasileiras, embora em menor intensidade na região Nordeste. Na análise sob o ponto de vista racial, verificou-se que disparidade de renda dentro dos grupos dos não brancos e dos brancos foi atenuada em aproximadamente 6,4%. A renda do trabalho foi o fator mais relevante para explicar a queda da desigualdade de renda no Brasil ao longo do período 2002-2008. Outros Rendimentos (no qual estão incluídos os programas de transferência de renda) tiveram uma participação mais expressiva na redução da disparidade de renda dentro dos grupos considerados mais carentes tais como a região Nordeste e Norte, os não brancos e, sobretudo, os não brancos da região Nordeste. Contudo a contribuição desse rendimento é maior no subperíodo 2002-2004 do que no subperíodo 2004-2008. Foi constatado também que no subperíodo 2004-2008 (depois da Reforma da Previdência Pública Social) as aposentadorias e pensões públicas responderam por aproximadamente 20% da queda da desigualdade total. / This work aims at analyzing the participation of components of household income per capita, such as labor income, retirement income, public pension income and non-public pension income, rent, donations and others incomes to reduce income inequality in Brazil during the period 2002-2008 and sub periods 2002-2004 and 2004-2008. It was used the PNAD (Brazilian National Household Survey) and the methodologies of the decomposition by income component developed by Pyatt, Chen and Fei (1980) and decomposition by composition effect and concentration effect proposal by Hoffmann (2006) and Smith (2006b). Moreover, it’s realized an analysis of statistical inference following the proposal of Kakwani, Wagstaff, Doorslaer (1997). The main results indicate that in the period 2002-2008 the reduction in the Gini coefficient was statistically significant at 5%, therefore the level of inequality observed in the last year was the smallest of the whole period (0.5415). It was observed that, except for the Midwest region, there was a reduction of income concentration in all Brazilian regions, although to a lesser extent in the Northeast. In the analysis from the perspective of race, it was found that income disparity within groups of non-whites and whites was approximately 6.4%. Labor income was the most important factor to explain the fall in income inequality in Brazil over the period 2002-2008. Other Incomes (which includes the income transfer programs) had a more significant contribution in reducing the income disparity within the groups considered most in need such as the Northeast and North, nonwhites and especially non-whites in the Northeast region. However the contribution of this income is higher in sub period 2002-2004 than in sub period 2004-2008. It was also confirmed that the sub period 2004-2008 (after the Public Social Security Reform) pensions and public pensions accounted for approximately 20% of the decrease of total inequality.

Historically considered a "gift" from an other-worldly source, today creativity is championed by politicians and business leaders for its economic value. Yet we know relatively little about how people and ideas come to be viewed as creative in real-world business organizations. In this dissertation, I examine the social process of recognizing creativity through an investigation of a quintessential creative industry--advertising. Using a mixed methodological approach, I draw on original data collected through a survey of a probability sample of U.S. advertising agencies, semi-structured interviews with survey respondents, and several months of participant observation in an agency. I find that social exclusion shapes the recognition of creativity in these ostensibly open and tolerant sectors of the labor market. Socioeconomic status and gender affect occupational entry and advancement through evaluations that rely on familiarity with high-status culture and identity characteristics that match artistic stereotypes to signal creativity. Additionally, the assessment of creative work itself is used as a form of boundary work to exclude those outside the profession from making contributions considered creative. Taken together, this dissertation suggests that although creativity has been widely heralded as a force for expanding opportunity and social progress, inequality plays an enduring role in the formation and maintenance of this workforce.

The high level of inequality in South Africa remains one of the biggest problems facing the country. Inequality is not limited to income and can be found in infrastructure, health and education as part of the heritage of apartheid. Polarisation is related to inequality with increases in high- and low-earning jobs, while middle-earning jobs remain stagnant or even decline. This study will try to identify polarisation in the South African labour market since the end of apartheid by making use of the Post-Apartheid Labour Market Series that uses a compilation of Statistics South Africa data ranging from 1994 to 2012. The study finds some evidence of polarisation of employment and earnings in South Africa and the growth of the tertiary sector and the public sector in the country has meant gains in the middle of the distribution for people with a Grade 12 education. Relatively strong unions and the introduction of minimum wages have helped those at the bottom to catch up with the middle. / MCom (Economics), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The high level of inequality in South Africa remains one of the biggest problems facing the country. Inequality is not limited to income and can be found in infrastructure, health and education as part of the heritage of apartheid. Polarisation is related to inequality with increases in high- and low-earning jobs, while middle-earning jobs remain stagnant or even decline. This study will try to identify polarisation in the South African labour market since the end of apartheid by making use of the Post-Apartheid Labour Market Series that uses a compilation of Statistics South Africa data ranging from 1994 to 2012. The study finds some evidence of polarisation of employment and earnings in South Africa and the growth of the tertiary sector and the public sector in the country has meant gains in the middle of the distribution for people with a Grade 12 education. Relatively strong unions and the introduction of minimum wages have helped those at the bottom to catch up with the middle. / MCom (Economics), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

How the current globalization process should be looked upon and handled has been a major concern for development thinkers’ world wide. There are many different answers to this question. Some would say that it is the natural evolving of our society while some say that it is a plague that needs to be rid of to achieve a sustainable development. This debate has been a central figure in the current development debate and a major concern. Even if it does achieve good sustainable economic development there is always social factors that come into play. Globalization has since the early 90’s been referred to as an enormous force that can not be stopped and that whilst some might not like it, it is here to stay.   This essay is concerned with investigating the different economic and political theories surrounding globalization. Three different theories and three different key thinkers in the respective schools have been examined to illuminate key arguments within their theories of globalization. These schools of thought are: The liberal school and Martin Wolf, the reformist school and Joseph Stiglitz and the radical school with Naomi Klein as their key thinker.  Selected works by these three authors selected to further represent the different schools have been critically assessed to find key arguments concerning the conceptualization about globalization and how it should be looked upon and to see how they differ between amongst each other and how the theories cope when applied on a specific case, namely Brazil.   This study shows a deeply mixed result where it is made clear that all theories have valid points in their arguments but also faults in their arguments. There is no outstanding theory in this study that over shadows its’ adversaries. However the study shows that left-wing thinkers in general put more emphasis on social justice and social development whilst more right-wing thinkers put emphasis on development though economics and solid growth. There is little chance of sustainable development if these divided groups continue to work against each other. Therefore there is a great need for a middle ground that sees both the social and the economic aspects to help form a globalized world where real development is achieved

<p>In the United States, poverty has been historically higher and disproportionately concentrated in the American South. Despite this fact, much of the conventional poverty literature in the United States has focused on urban poverty in cities, particularly in the Northeast and Midwest. Relatively less American poverty research has focused on the enduring economic distress in the South, which Wimberley (2008:899) calls “a neglected regional crisis of historic and contemporary urgency.” Accordingly, this dissertation contributes to the inequality literature by focusing much needed attention on poverty in the South. </p><p>Each empirical chapter focuses on a different aspect of poverty in the South. Chapter 2 examines why poverty is higher in the South relative to the Non-South. Chapter 3 focuses on poverty predictors within the South and whether there are differences in the sub-regions of the Deep South and Peripheral South. These two chapters compare the roles of family demography, economic structure, racial/ethnic composition and heterogeneity, and power resources in shaping poverty. Chapter 4 examines whether poverty in the South has been shaped by historical racial regimes.</p><p>The Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) United States datasets (2000, 2004, 2007, 2010, and 2013) (derived from the U.S. Census Current Population Survey (CPS) Annual Social and Economic Supplement) provide all the individual-level data for this study. The LIS sample of 745,135 individuals is nested in rich economic, political, and racial state-level data compiled from multiple sources (e.g. U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Department of Agriculture, University of Kentucky Center for Poverty Research, etc.). Analyses involve a combination of techniques including linear probability regression models to predict poverty and binary decomposition of poverty differences. </p><p>Chapter 2 results suggest that power resources, followed by economic structure, are most important in explaining the higher poverty in the South. This underscores the salience of political and economic contexts in shaping poverty across place. Chapter 3 results indicate that individual-level economic factors are the largest predictors of poverty within the South, and even more so in the Deep South. Moreover, divergent results between the South, Deep South, and Peripheral South illustrate how the impact of poverty predictors can vary in different contexts. Chapter 4 results show significant bivariate associations between historical race regimes and poverty among Southern states, although regression models fail to yield significant effects. Conversely, historical race regimes do have a small, but significant effect in explaining the Black-White poverty gap. Results also suggest that employment and education are key to understanding poverty among Blacks and the Black-White poverty gap. Collectively, these chapters underscore why place is so important for understanding poverty and inequality. They also illustrate the salience of micro and macro characteristics of place for helping create, maintain, and reproduce systems of inequality across place.</p> / Dissertation

This paper will address the trends of employment in correlation with technological progress. It will consider generally accepted economic theory as well as classical analysis, mathematical modeling and recent data. It is demonstrated that short-run impacts of technological advancements can cause temporary unemployment due to increased aggregate productivity. Long-run adjustments however can result in job polarization, which in turn results in income inequality. The possible negative impacts on the US economy as a whole are addressed and short-term fixes that could mitigate the undesirable side effects that come from these changes.

I depart from traditional theories of production fragmentation to allow for the explicit consideration of frictions on the labor and product markets. These are crucial in yielding outcomes that cast some shadows on “optimistic” views of outsourcing that emerge from frictionless models. While in general the overall positive welfare effect is confirmed, the distributional consequences may be particularly adverse for some categories of workers. The three chapters that constitute the thesis deal, respectively, with the role played by the imperfect mobility of workers, imperfect competition in outsourcing industries, and imperfect factor price adjustments.

This thesis considers how informational imperfections may give rise to advantages for those born to relatively rich parents. The first chapter focuses on the separation of some societies into different classes. Within the model, classes provide greater advantages to those from privileged backgrounds and, even in the absence of legal barriers preventing the lower classes from accessing skilled jobs, the skilled amongst them are still de facto denied access to high paying jobs through statistical discrimination. This chapter shows that there can be a net benefit from class discrimination, versus a classless state, when it creates information relating to the abilities of the upper class. This theme is expanded on in chapter two where a signalling model more explicitly describes the statistical discrimination suffered by some members of society. The advantage conferred on those from privileged backgrounds generates income dispersion, which in turn reinforces the advantages of the rich. If this feedback is strong enough, the model may exhibit multiplicity of steady states. This multiplicity of steady states is backward looking: the income dispersion today depends on the extent to which firms use the information available to them, which in turn depends on the income dispersion in the previous generation. The model of chapter two also demonstrates why societies with more "meritocratic" institutions may exhibit less intergenerational income mobility: the income dispersion that meritocracy creates increases the value of a privileged upbringing. The final chapter adds parental investment to the model. In doing so it brings the model more squarely in line with the statistical discrimination literature, although the model does not exhibit a multiplicity of equilibria. There is a unique optimal investment rule for parents. Exogenous shocks to meritocracy are again examined. Meritocracy increases income variance and hence, from behind the veil of ignorance, creates greater uncertainty over the income an individual will receive. The model describes how a risk averse person might prefer to be born into an economy where they expect to be poorer but avoid this increased uncertainty, and so despite raising incomes, meritocracy may make agents, on average, more unhappy.