Thesis--Freie Universität Berlin. / Bibliography: p. 586-779.

Relations among China, the United States, and Japan constitute some of the most complicated and dynamic relations in the contemporary era. Since the end of the second half of the twentieth century, all three nations, which were not in favor of regional multilateralism, have changed their strategy and have actively engaged in regional Asia-Pacific institutions. This research attempts to integrate realist discourse on the balance of power and liberal analysis of institutions to look at the China–U.S.–Japan interactions within regional institutions. This study explores why China, the United States, and Japan have increased their cooperative interaction in regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific region, despite having divergent interests and different visions of the future regional power structure. By searching and analyzing archives documenting China–U.S.–Japan regional policies and policies directed at regional institutions and observing in detail China– U.S.–Japan interactions within Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), this dissertation argues that institutional balancing provides a framework that helps identify countries’ overlooked intention to check and balance targeted powers in regional institutions. Regional institutions not only provide an opportunity for participant countries to discover and address common interests but also provide an opportunity for participant countries to lobby for their own interests and to balance the gains and influences of the other powers. This dissertation explores conditions under which institutional balancing is an optimal choice for countries and notes key methods: controlling membership; shaping institutional norms, rules, and mechanisms; and pursuing balanced alliances that have been practiced by China, the United States, and Japan in regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific region.

<p> This study contributes to body of research that tests the effect of mobile phone signal coverage on the probability of violent collective action by shifting the level of analysis to a single country&mdash;Myanmar. The analysis uses a random effects logistic model of time-series cross-sectional data to test whether mobile phone availability has a significant effect on the probability of conflict among ethnic groups given their spatial and non-spatial characteristics, including: population density, territory type, and political and religious status. This study presents a nuanced, historical view of Myanmar and explores how future levels of conflict could change with the expansion of information and communications technology (ICT). While the findings are exploratory and preliminary, as mobile coverage data across a wider timeframe becomes available for Myanmar, these tests can be easily replicated to achieve more robust and statistically significant results.</p>

Trust plays a vital role in all aspects of life, affecting whether goals are met and the cost of achieving them. It affects and is affected by culture, expectations, and behavior. This thesis examines the nature of trust and its role in military operations and winning "hearts and minds". It also examines American foreign policy and its relation to trust. Iraq is used as a case study to examine the interaction of U.S. foreign policy and operations with trust and culture. The thesis shows how U.S. policy and actions have undermined trust in the U.S.

The world is on the verge of a dramatic shift in security relations in Northeast Asia. With a "rising China" and a Japan emerging as a "normal" military power by revising the pacifist clause of its constitution (Article 9), many analysts argue that the new century may bring with it increased instability to the region. With this forecast in mind, this thesis explores how the United States should approach a militarily "normalizing" Japan. The primary questions that will be analyzed are: 1) Will the current ad hoc movement towards the revision of Article 9 (Renunciation of War Clause) be the impetus for a downward security spiral in Northeast Asia? 2) What should U.S. policy be towards the revision of Article 9? and 3) Should the United States push for further "normalization" and burden sharing in security relations? This thesis concludes that to ameliorate the security tensions in the region, the United States should implement three policy prescriptions that will increase the transparency and the time horizon associated with this dramatic shift in Japan's military restraints. Thus, avoiding downward security spirals in Northeast Asia by encouraging a gradual transition to a militarily "Normalized" Japan. / US Navy (USN) author.

<p>Given the current state of unprecedented global interdependence, and the growing impact that business has on the world?s inhabitants, Corporate Social Responsibility has become something that is not only desirable, but also expected of corporations. The topic of this qualitative study is the conceptual and pragmatic links of Intercultural Relations and Corporate Social Responsibility. This research focused on an identified informational gap in social responsibility literature and investigated the possible impact of culture and intercultural competence on Corporate Social Responsibility work. The scope of this investigation was purposeful and selective; a well-rounded group of professional Corporate Social Responsibility practitioners contributed to the research. At the end of this research it was determined that in order for social responsibility efforts to be reciprocal, inclusive, and effective, it would be beneficial to consider Intercultural Relations and develop intercultural competence.

This paper examines the economic, social, and political relations that China has with Nigeria and Angola. The aim of this study is to understand the true impact of China’s bilateral expansion and to determine whether these relationships extend beyond South-South cooperation using domestic and international scholarly articles and literature reviews. In doing so, the paper will outline China’s initial penetration into Nigeria and Angola as well as their industries respectively. This research was founded through the use of secondary sources and scholarly reviews. Both Nigeria and Angola have had longstanding relationships with China that dates further beyond their official establishment of diplomatic relations. As developing nations, the partnership among these states was instrumental to the promotion of South-South cooperation, development, and economic growth. The conclusion to this study is that neither Nigeria’s nor Angola’s government holds policies indicative of Chinese soft power.

<p> The successful negotiation and implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear agreement between the P5+1 world powers and the Islamic Republic of Iran has presents an important foreign policy opening for the United States. After 35 years of unconstructive policy and diplomatic near-silence, Washington has the chance to engage with Tehran toward mutual benefit. While obstacles to a more productive relationship between the United States and Iran remain considerable, this project attempts to chart a path forward. </p><p> The United States has engaged with its enemies and rivals before, and the time is now right for it to do so with Iran. Beyond the opportunities presented by the JCPOA, other factors make engagement the timely choice: Iran&rsquo;s political system and leadership is shifting, its economy is opening, and its security position in the Middle East continues to be pivotal and of the upmost importance to U.S. interests. Though there are arguments against moving towards any sort of relationship with Iran, this project finds them lacking in comparison to the possible benefits. </p><p> First and most fundamentally, Iran must be understood and approached as a unique and complex nation rather than a monolithic, simplified state. By replacing tired language and assumptions about Iran with consideration of its history, culture, and governance, this project establishes a framework that considers unique factors that provide context to Iran&rsquo;s society and government. Building upon this bedrock, the project proceeds to put forth policy steps in the realms of politics, economics, and security that would behoove Washington&rsquo;s efforts to develop a more effective relationship with Tehran. </p><p> There are immense challenges to these proposals, however. The governments of Iran and the United States have a storied history of conflict and have spent decades using poisonous messaging frames describing one another to their respective publics. They also have diametrically opposed security, geopolitical, and ideological interests, and each must incorporate and navigate complex relations with other states throughout the Middle East even while they negotiated directly. The project addresses these concerns as well as provides &lsquo;hedge&rsquo; recommendations that will allow the United States to continue opposing Iran where it is morally and strategically necessary to do so. </p><p> Ultimately, however, timing and the potential for political, economic, and security-based benefits build to a comprehensive case for engaging with Iran. By proceeding with principled resolve and considerable patience, policymakers can move forward from more than 35 years of stagnant policy and towards a vision that promotes a healthy integration of Iran into the international order and an aspirational vision of U.S. leadership in the world.</p>

What makes some conflicts more severe than others? This paper examines this question first by discussing what "severity" actually means. Then, the paper argues that rebel groups are stronger when they have access to lootable resources. When rebel groups are stronger, civil conflicts should tend to be bloodier. To examine this argument, this paper employs Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression and discusses the results. The results here show strong support for the argument made in this paper. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the Master of Science. / Fall Semester 2015. / July 17, 2015. / civil war, rebel capability, severity / Includes bibliographical references. / Sean Ehrlich, Professor Directing Thesis; Mark Souva, Committee Member; Dale Smith, Committee Member.

This paper investigates the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the implications of the commitments of the agreement upon Indian agricultural trade. It begins with a discussion of the histories of the two most powerful developed economies and their policies regarding agricultural trade. Then an overview of Indian economic and agricultural history is illustrated along with Indian policies concerning agricultural trade. In terms of the Uruguay Round Agreement a synopsis of the major issues and areas of conflict is provided. Thereafter, an analysis of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture is outlined. With this information, an assessment of the agreement is made which addresses the impact of the implementation upon India within the outlined period of six years. The paper thus concludes with its findings regarding the impact of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture upon Indian agricultural trade. / A Thesis submitted to the Program in International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2005. / Date of Defense: April 18, 2005. / GATT, Indian Imports, Tokyo Round, Kennedy Round, OECD Countries, Export Subsidies, AMS Reduction Commitments, URAA Reduction Requirements, Benfits Of Green Revolution, Green Revolution, Agricultural Development, Five Year Plans, Reduction Of Import Tariffs, Qrs, Removal Of Quantitative Restrictions, Domestic Support, Indian Exports, Globalization, Common Agricultural Policy, Developmments In The Doha Round, Peace Clause, Market Access / Includes bibliographical references. / James Cobbe, Professor Directing Thesis; Lee Metcalf, Committee Member; Ljubisa S. Adamovich, Committee Member.