Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, June, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Texas at El Paso, 2009. / Title from title screen. Vita. CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1994. / "December 1994." Thesis advisor(s): D. Eyre. Bibliography: p. 165-172. Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--McGill University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366).

Thèse--Genève. / Bibliography, p. [255]-257.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pittsburgh, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-344).

Thesis (doctoral) - Universität, Tübingen, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis is a study of the attitude of the Canadian Government towards the organization and operation of international institutions rather than a study of the policies pursued in them. Special emphasis is laid, upon two basic problems: the broad institutional framework of international society, dealt with in Part I, and the relationship of great and small states, the theme of part II. Each Part is prefaced by a brief analytical chapter (Chapters IX and VIII). Apart from the introductory chapter, the thesis is almost entirely confined to the period from the outbreak of war in 1939 to the immediate aftermath of the invasion of South Korea in 1950. The opening chapter traces the development of Canadian policy towards international institutions from the early days after Confederation to the post- war period. During the inter-war years, the primary appeal of tie League of Nations to Canada was as a means of asserting her international status. At the same time, she was most reluctant to assume international responsibilities, particularly obligations to impose automatic military sanctions against an aggressor. Early in the Second World War, her attitude began to change, and she earns to accept not only the principle of collective security but also the need to play her full part in it. The Canadian Government was also determined to ensure that, in the reconstruction of international government, the fullest attention was paid to the question of removing the underlying economic and social causes of war.

In the last thirty years, there has been a significant increase in the globalization process, or as other refer to it, the internationalization, free trade, or liberalization. This trend was reflected in the increasing number of newly formed international organization (economic and security) as well as in the increased membership in the already existing ones. The evidence of this trend has been particularly visible since the end of the Cold War, when the race of the Eastern European countries to enter international organizations has been as competitive as ever. Nonetheless, a number of countries, upon careful evaluation and consideration of membership, has opted out of the opportunity to enter such international agreements. The question that this paper addresses is how do countries decided whether to enter or not international organizations? In other words, what elements, processes, and motives lie behind the decision of countries to commit to a new membership? Most of the studies that have addressed this topic have done so from an international perspective as they addressed the politics between countries, as well as the costs and benefits in terms of power, sovereignty, and national income once in the organizations. This paper, on the other hand, approaches the issue from a comparative perspective, both economic and political. It attempts to answer the research question by looking at the domestic sources of decision -making and how they influence this decision. Namely, a decision to become more open to trade has several implications for a country, depending on its size, and already established trade openness, among other factors. The impact of increased openness will most seriously affect the domestic players, both negatively and positively. Thus, in considering the impact that the policy could have on their welfare, players align their interests in order to express their preferences on the issue to the decision makers. The ability of the domestic actors to have their preferences considered in turn depends on the structure of the institutions through which they can participate in the political process i.e. how are their votes turned into seats, and who has most impact in the policymaking. Thus, depending on the impact of globalization on a country's domestic welfare, as well as the composition of the domestic players (export versus import intensive), the decision of the country on whether to participate or not will finally depend on the preference filtering mechanism given by the electoral and representative systems a country has. Thus, the decisions to join or not to will sometime reflect a special interest, while at other times it will be the result of an agreement reached by all of the existing groups.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available online.