Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1988. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1997. / Thesis advisors, Rodney Kennedy-Minott, Mary P. Callahan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-126). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, December 1998. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-238).

Thesis (PH.D.) -- Syracuse University, 2005. / "Publication number AAT 3251481"

Thesis (PH.D.) -- Syracuse University, 2006 / "Publication number AAT 3242489."

<p> At the conclusion of the Cold War, many hoped the international system had finally escaped the harsh realities of geopolitics. Despite optimism about the emergence of an American-led unipolar system, some structural realists believed the abatement of geopolitics was a temporary phenomenon: a brief respite before a return to great power conflict. This gloomy worldview gave rise to the sub-school of offensive realism, which theorizes that states pursue relative power maximization to ensure survival and, ideally, regional hegemony. A relatively young school, offensive realism has primarily focused on the paths states take to pursue bids for regional hegemony. This study seeks to fill some of the gaps that exist in how great powers, having achieved regional hegemony, behave abroad. Support for this research is drawn from a review of existing literature on offensive realism and a case study on U.S. behavior following 1898.</p>

Since the launch of the Lisbon strategy in 2000, the European Union has significantly transformed its education policy under the umbrella notion of the ‘knowledge economy’. In particular, the dominant policy discourse links education to economic growth with the predominance of education as a pro-market policy over education as a policy aimed at social inclusion. In addition, the European Commission performs a more cognitive, normative and regulative role through the governance mode of the Open Method of Coordination and its monitoring mechanisms such as performance indicators and benchmarking. Although these changes have been acknowledged by the literature, the tendency of structural or institutional accounts has been to take them for granted or as inevitable. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a theoretically and empirically based analysis of the policy process of these transformations. By drawing upon ideational theories and by employing process tracing over a time frame of more than three decades, the thesis builds a three-stage theoretical argument to explore in a structured fashion how the consensus around specific ideas about the goals of European education policy was formed, which actors advocated it, and why it prevailed. The empirical material draws on original and confidential archival sources, primary sources, official EU documents, and few in-depth elite interviews. The findings show how a specific problem definition of education allowed the European Commission to strategically construct a specific education agenda around the notion of the knowledge economy, which also reflected the preferences of powerful economic actors within the European Union. However, the findings also suggest that the polysemantic concept of the idea of knowledge economy itself acted as coalition magnet by aggregating actors with diverging interests as well as reinforcing the power and interests of the actors advocating this idea. By looking at the political-economic causes of the transformations of education, this thesis adds new knowledge to the current EU education policy literature. In addition, the thesis contributes to the current debates on the role of ideas in shaping political outcomes.

<p> The Responsibility to Protect principle was founded on the premise that sovereignty requires responsibility. The principle establishes the responsibility of states to protect their citizens from mass atrocity crimes and shifts the responsibility to the international community if states fail. This thesis explains how former colonies have had particular difficulty in meeting this responsibility and often fail to protect their populations from things like severe poverty and human rights abuses including mass atrocity crimes. In former colonies the matter of responsibility is complicated by the residual effects of colonial policies that often leave former colonies impoverished, dependent, socially fragmented and with a limited capacity protect their populations. In addition, foreign and international entities such as global financial institutions and transnational corporations often hold significant power in former colonies and even make decisions regarding national budgets and the use of the military. </p><p> This thesis employs a postcolonialist approach to analyze four cases of mass atrocity crimes in Rwanda, Sudan, Cote d&rsquo;Ivoire and Nigeria. This thesis argues that since, in former colonies, foreign and international entities wield power tantamount to state power they bear responsibility and should be held accountable like states. This thesis also argues that a postcolonial interpretation of the Responsibility to Protect would recognize the implied negative duty of foreign and international entities that possess agency and therefore bear responsibility to not contribute to massive human rights violations namely mass atrocity crimes and hold them accountable if they do.</p><p>

This thesis is a neoclassical realist study of Malaysia’s China policy from 1970 to 2009 under four Malaysian Premiers starting with Razak and ending with Abdullah, with Hussein and Mahathir in between them. Given the puzzle that despite the prevalence of Malay supremacy and the lingering perception of the ‘Chinese problem’, Malaysia’s China policy has unexpectedly evolved from cautious rapprochement to matured partnership, the primary purpose of this thesis is to assess the relationship between ethnic politics and Malaysia’s China policy. That is, why and how has Malaysia’s China policy evolved from cautious rapprochement under Razak to a matured partnership under Abdullah despite the prevailing ethnic conflict between the Malays and Chinese? To locate an answer, this thesis presents a neoclassical realist model of domestic legitimation to study the relationship between ethnic politics and Malaysia’s China policy under each of the four Prime Ministers. This thesis finds that it was the care for domestic legitimation that drove the Malaysian decision-maker to either continue or change Malaysia’s China policy. Extending further, the systemic pressures in the external strategic environment were mediated within the prism of domestic legitimation, that is, by the perceptions of the Malaysian leader who also took cognisance of the ethnopolitical situation before taking the foreign policy decision to continue or change Malaysia’s China policy. This thesis also finds that neoclassical realism was able to accommodate a menu of policy choices in multilateral and bilateral senses – rapprochement, engagement, deterrence, middlepowermanship, and cultural diplomacy – for Malaysia to manage its relations with China, whether as a threat or an opportunity. This thesis further finds that Malaysia’s China policy had an effect, albeit to varying degrees, on the performance legitimacy of the governing regime, that is, the justification of its right to rule in Malaysia. This thesis claims to be the first-of-itskind in examining Malaysia’s China policy through the lens of neoclassical realism.