The main objective of this study is to contribute toward an analytical and empirical work on the oil-based developing economy of Iran. It focuses on the aggregate behavior of the Iranian economy through a simple linear econometric model. After a survey of the literature on the theoretical framework of macroeconomic models for the developing countries in general, and for the oil exporting developing countries in particular, a linear econometric model for the Iranian economy is formulated and its logical and economical aspects are explained. The proposed model consists of basic consumption, production, foreign trade, and employment relationships. Estimation of the behavioral equations are carried out by Ordinary Least Square and Two Stage Least Square estimators. The model is estimated over the period of 1959-76. Data published by the Plan and Budget Organization of Iran in the 1978 edition of the "Economic Trends of Iran" are used for the estimation of the parameters of the model. Historical simulation of the model has been performed to test the validity and the fitness of the model as a whole. The results obtained from the estimation of the consumption functions seem to indicate that the aggregate Iranian consumption behavior can be best explained by Friedman's Permanent Income Hypothesis. An attempt has been made to estimate the aggregate production function of the urban sector according to various Cobb-Douglas production functions and linear production function with constant returns to scale. All of these specifications gave implausible results. In general, the results of this study demonstrate that the links between different sectors of the Iranian economy are very weak and the import substitution strategy of the government during the period of study failed to establish a genuine domestic industrial base and to reduce its dependence on foreign resources.

The problem with which this study is concerned is that of determining and analyzing the problems of human resources created in Iran. These problems are rooted deeply and stream from Iranian history, culture, and social environment. The main purposes of this study are three. The first is to determine and analyze problems of human resources created in Iran, including social environment, education, and employment. The second is to study and evaluate the manpower policy of Iranian economic development. The third is to apply human resource development in planning, educating, training, and developing the human resources required for the economic development of Iran. Based on the reports and recommendations of the three research groups, a detailed plan and strategies are written to develop Iran's human resources.

This study is an examination and comparison of the manner in which Nigeria, Iran and Libya used oil revenue for their economic development. The research methodology was the case study approach, utilizing statistical time series data, as well as a historical profile of each country's income and expenditure accounts. As a prelude to the oil injection, the pre-oil revenue economy, the history of the oil industry, and the previously implemented development plans of each of these nations is surveyed. The impact of the oil revenues on the standard of living and the non-oil sectors of these economies is examined. The paper concludes with projections concerning each country's ability to continue to promote economic development when its exhaustible oil reserves runs out.

The evolution of the Pasdaran over the past thirty years has brought the group further away from its original role as a protector of the revolution and closer to a parallel, if not competing, economic, political and social institution. In the last decade, conflict dominating the political landscape of the Islamic Republic of Iran has shifted from being defined primarily by the Reformists (Islamic Left) and the Conservatives (Islamic Right), to a multi-dimensional struggle between the Reformists, Conservatives, and Neo-Conservatives, represented by the IRGC and President Ahmadinejad. The IRGC‘s defiance against the authority of the clerics, evidenced by President Ahmadinejad‘s deteriorating relationship with the Supreme Leader, is an indication of a shift in the sources of influence in domestic and foreign policy making and the necessary attempts of the ruling regime to compensate for its loss of control. It appears that the IRGC may be in a position to seriously challenge the authority of the clerics; however, this research hypothesizes that as the organization has evolved parallel to the velayet-e faqih, it does not have the necessary autonomy or cohesion to effectively usurp the rule of the clerics. This study proposes that the competitive disunity that has propelled the growth of the IRGC over the past three decades is prohibitive of the collective consolidation of influence necessary to wrest authority from the clerical regime.