Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-158). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, 2006. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-179).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, 2006. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-179).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2008. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 317-367).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 317-367).

Since the conflicts in the Gulf and Bosnia in the 1990s, and the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and 7/7, a large sociological and political literature on British Muslims has appeared. It is often a contention of these works that Muslims in Britain did not identify, and were not seen in terms of, their religion prior to the time of the Rushdie affair. This thesis contends that, contrary to these arguments, religion has been a significant referent for the claims-making of Muslim communities in England since essentially the time that those communities settled (the early 1960s). This is demonstrated through the consideration of Muslim claims-making and elite practice and policy in a number of thematic areas, including education, employment, social services, and party politics. Building on these insights, it is suggested that such misconceptions about English Muslim social and political mobilisations are attributable to the absence of an historical perspective upon British multiculturalism. This thesis, particularly in two concluding chapters, attempts to correct this absence, offering a broader consideration of British multiculturalism in the studied period. It suggests that – rather than a relatively coherent ideology or policy approach – British multiculturalism has been an institution, produced in an ad hoc manner through the largely uncoordinated actions of a large number of actors, often lacking shared aims, at both local and national level. Although subject to changes over time, this institution has observed a number of consistent ‘rules’ in the form of concepts shared by actors involved in it (such as the ‘ethnic group, ‘community leadership’ and ‘special needs’). Finally, it is suggested that multiculturalism in Britain has endured primarily due to a process of ‘path dependence’ through which many actors have ‘learned’ how to operate within the rules of the institution, and may owe their existence of prestige to it.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 366-373).

This thesis develops, applies and evaluates the concept of everyday hybridity in the analysis of interviews with a multiethnic sample of Hong Kong Muslim youth. The research asks if the lives of young Muslims in Hong Kong can be discussed through the concept of ‘everyday hybridity’ in response to existing sociological debate on hybrid identities and culture. The thesis critiques the existing debate on cultural hybridity and argues for a broader discussion on multicultural youth that moves beyond the existing focus on multiculturalism in the West. It offers an account of Muslim youth in a non-Western context and challenges a number of popular assumptions about them in the post 9/11 era. Everyday hybridity is proposed as a concept to discuss mundane themes of cultural hybridity that are often overlooked in the celebration of hybrid styles in youth research. It is developed through an analysis of works on cultural hybridity and everyday life sociology and operationalises the theory of cultural hybridity. Work on youth, multiculturalism, and Muslims as political minorities are used to identify key themes of everyday hybridity relevant for the research. The themes, language, space, and religious practice provide the focus for the discussion and analysis of the participant interviews. The analysis of the participant testimonies is used to argue that hybridity can be palpably represented in research and that it is a common and normal facet of life in multicultural communities. It demonstrates that young Muslims in Hong Kong value the freedom and safety they have despite the fact that many experience racism and are subject to government education policies that limit their employment prospects. As a result everyday hybridity provides a new way to understand Muslim youth in Hong Kong. This thesis concludes by assessing the contribution of the research to discussions on cultural hybridity, Muslim youth in Hong Kong, and the global focus on youth studies. The closing discussion outlines a number of policy suggestions; it argues that the everyday focus of the research provides a model to think broadly and sensitively about what young Muslims truly value about life in Hong Kong when striving to improve circumstances for them.

Donald Trump tog världen med storm när han deltog i det amerikanska presidentvalet och sedermera blev vald. Uppsatsen undersöker om Donald Trump kan placeras på en fascistisk skala baserat på hans uttalanden i sex tal; samt hur det kristna stödet, som Donald Trump erhöll i valet, kan förklaras. Sex tal analyseras med basen i kvalitativ textanalys och kategoriseras i fem kategorier för fascism.   Det kristna stödet kan förklaras genom gemensamma värderingar, Lakoffs Strict Father morality, i kombination med rädsla. Rädslan över vad som ska hända med AFS med Hillary Clinton som president är stor, är en tung faktor för konservativa kristna att rösta på Donald Trump. Studien kommer fram till att Donald Trump kan klassificeras som semi-fascist då han delvis uppfyller de kriterier som studien grundar sig på. / Donald Trump chocked the world when he decided to run for president of the United States of America, and won. This study examines if Donald Trump may be placed on a fascist scale based on his statements in six speeches; and how the Christian support, that he received, may be explained. The speeches have been analysed based on a qualitative text analysis and been categorized in to five categories of fascism.   The Christian support may be explained by common values; Lakoff’s Strict Father morality, in combination with fear. The fear for what may happen to the U.S. with Hillary Clinton as president has a big impact on why conservative Christians voted for Donald Trump. The conclusion of this study is that Donald Trump can be classified as a semi-fascist as he partly fulfils the fascist criteria this study presents.

With Islamophobia on the rise in Canada, it may reasonably be expected that social work, a seemingly care-oriented profession, would have effective support readily available for the Muslim community. However, rather than the Muslim community experiencing social services as a place where such support can be accessed, their interactions with these services demonstrate the ways that Islamophobia seeps into social work settings amidst discriminatory assumptions about Muslims and a lack of religiously informed care. In response, informed by an Islamic worldview and drawing upon decolonial thought and community-based participatory research principles, this study aims to centre Islamic ways of knowing, being, and doing in considering how mainstream social services and social work practice can most effectively support the Muslim community. Emerging from interviews with five Muslim community leaders and scholars were four key themes: the role of Islam in the lives and well-being of Muslims; anti-Muslim sentiment and the devaluing of Islamic identity in mainstream social work education and practice; the need for Islamically informed care; and reimagining social work from an Islamic worldview. The findings reveal significant challenges for the Muslim community in accessing and receiving effective support from mainstream social services, while also underscoring important considerations for enhanced social work practice with Muslims. Implications and recommendations for the social work profession, social work education, and the Muslim community are discussed, alongside suggestions for future research and action, with an emphasis on the importance of contributions from Islam and Muslims to elicit meaningful change. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)