The social and political systems are vital for any idological belief. During the course of human events, no ideology existed without these two essential components. This dissertation endeavors to establish a modern model of the political system for the Islamic Nation as one political unit adhering to Islam. The study considers solely the primary source of Islam, that is, the Islamic Holy Constitution - the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah. In order to achieve such an aim, the study starts with analysis of the content of the Islamic Holy Constitution. It appears that Islam is a complete permanent system for all people of all persuasions. Such universality and continuity of the system dictates two sorts of instructions: infrastructural and superstructural laws. The first is comprehensively decided for all cases that are not subject to change. The second is merely an outline guidance for Muslims to establish laws that are compatible with their circumstances. To provide a complete understanding for the Islamic System, the study sets up the necessary background. It outlines the ruling system that are repeatedly mentioned in the Islamic Holy Constitution. Also a brief analysis for the alleged contrast between human and Divine law is provided together with the concept of ethics in Islam. In addition, the study discusses, maybe for the first time in the Islamic historical jurisprudence, the basic foundations of the Islamic System, such as sovereignty and nationality in Islam. The Islamic State, its functions and organizations, is the central part of this study. The Islamic political system is modeled according to the need of the contemporary Islamic Nation without ignoring the practice of the Prophet of Islam {Peace be upon Him} and his right-guided successors. The concepts of peace, war, and economy are considered in relation to the political system of Islam. The study discusses the major rules concerning these aspects. The study concludes that Islam is a complete system of life, concerned before its religious instructions with a unique social and political order under which Muslims have to practice their lives and perform their religious activities.

Thesis (doctoral)--Jāmiʻat al-Azhar. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 435-444) and index.

Thesis--Liège, 1964/65. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-184).

Thesis--Liège, 1964/65. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-184).

Partial contents of the author's Thesis (master's)--Jāmiʻat al-Qāhirah. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 513-563).

Partial contents of the author's Thesis (master's)--Jāmiʻat al-Qāhirah. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 513-563).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Stockholm, 1985. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 249-255).

No description available.

The main objective of this study is to analyze three major Indonesian Muslim responses to the Pancasila, the state ideology of Indonesia. The first Muslim response occurred when the Secular Nationalists proposed, shortly before Indonesia's independence in 1945 and again later in the Constituent Assembly debates (1956-1959), that the Pancasila be the basis of state. The second Muslim response to the Pancasila took place in 1978 when the New Order government proposed that the P4 (Guidelines for Understanding and Practicing the Pancasila) be legalized. The Muslims at first objected to both the proposal of the Pancasila as the foundation of the state and that of the P4, but finally acquiesced. Each stage in this process was marked by debate over the role of Islam in Indonesian society and politics, which often led to antagonism between the government and the Muslim community. When the government proposed in 1982 that the Pancasila serve as the sole basis for all political and mass organizations, the third Muslim response occurred. The Muslims' acceptance of this policy marked the end of the government's application of severe policies towards them and has resulted in the former being allowed to play an even greater role in Indonesian politics than had previously been the case.

This thesis is about the life and thought of the scholar Muhammad b. ʻAli al-Shawkānī (d. 1250/1834) and his continuing influence on Yemeni law and society. It is argued here that in order to better understand Shawkānī one must look at the history of the Qāsimī imāmate he served. In the 17th century the imāms lived up to the ideal posited by Hādawī-Zaydī law. They were learned men and able military commanders in their own right and authority was largely based on charisma. In the 18th and 19th century in contrast, the imāms lacked the qualities evident in their predecessors and behaved more like kings. Rule became dynastic and took on patrimonial forms. A further development during the 18th century was the increasing influence of Sunnī Traditionist views among Zaydī-born scholars in northern Yemeni highlands. With the imāms now offering their support to Sunna-oriented scholars, the Hādawīs increasingly become marginalised. These changes were also accompanied by considerable territorial losses by the imāmate and a decline in its revenues generated from the coffee trade. The alliance between the imāms and the Sunna-oriented scholars became most evident when Shawkānī was appointed chief judge (qāḍī al-quḍāt) of the imāmate. It will be argued that his views on law and reform posited an alternative vision of order and righteousness to that espoused by Hādawīs. His teachings implied that he, in his capacity as mujtahid muṭlaq, was to be the ultimate legal authority to which others must defer. Moreover, his views on the institution of the imāmate refuted the conditions set by Hādawī law and legitimized the rule of the imāms he served. The imām, according to him, need not be a mujtahid and rebellion against him (even if he were unjust) was absolutely forbidden. With the support of the imāms, Shawkānī was able to implement his views. His influence was manifested in his ability to appoint his students to administrative posts throughout the realm. All of this engendered a reaction from the more traditional Zaydī scholars and several clashes, both scholarly and in the form of popular riots, ensued. After his death Shawkānī's views were carried on by his students who continued to teach his works and the Sunnī ḥadīth collections until modern times. The 20th century Ḥāmīd al-Dīn imāms were interested in publishing Shawkānī's works in order to show the wider Muslim world the convergence between Zaydism and Sunnism. After the 1962 revolution republican intellectuals further focused great attention on Shawkānī in order to undermine the legitimacy of the imīmic regime and for nationalist ends. By making appeal to his views they have tried to mould Yemeni religious identity away from the Zaydī legacy of the past.