D.Litt.et Phil. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

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Vrije Univ., Diss.--Amsterdam, 2006.

Doct. Univ. : Los Angeles. 1984. / Bibliogr. p. 296-315. Index.

This dissertation aims to study the attempts made by contemporary Iranian religious modernists at reconciling Islam and democracy on the theoretical level. The prevailing theme in earlier studies on contemporary Iran has been that of Islamic resurgence or the socio-political outcome of the 1979 Revolution to the neglect of other significant issues or intellectual challenges faced by religious modernists in both the pre- and post-revolutionary eras, such as that of the problematic of Islam and democracy. The present work therefore, considers the views of certain Iranian religious modernists of the last fifty years on the question of whether Islam is theoretically compatible or incompatible with democracy. To this end, we examine the main principles of democracy and critically evaluate their parallels among Islamic norms. Then, the democratic notions of seven major Iranian religio-political thinkers are analyzed and evaluated in depth. We also try to show the perception that these men had of democracy and of Islam, how they sought to bring the two into conformity, on what basis they structured their arguments, and how their attempt in this respect differed from that of their predecessors at the turn of the century. / Among the contributions of the present work to the field is its attempt to present, for the first time, the post-revolutionary religious intellectual trend in Iran with particular reference to the problematic of Islam and democracy. This is largely accomplished through an analytical study of its leading figure, Abdulkarim Soroush. The result suggests that his attempt is an unprecedented one in terms of content, method and consequences. Indeed it is a watershed in Shi'ite religious modernism in general and in the debate over the compatibility of Islam with democracy, in particular.

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Recent events suggest Islamism is a relatively new trend; however, Islamist organizations have functioned in the Middle East as entrenched social movements, religious groups, and even political parties since the onset of the 20th century. Moreover, the portrayal of these organizations as stagnant or reified is inaccurate; these groups often display both verbal and behavioural signs of tactical, strategic, and in some cases, ideological change over time. This study explores if and how Islamist organizations change their platforms and pattern of action in the context of the state-led liberalization (and its aftermath) that swept the Middle East in the 1970s and 80s. This period of time is quite revealing with respect to state-Islamist relations due to economic constraints compelling the state to negotiate with domestic social forces that it would have otherwise repressed. In many of these phases of controlled liberalization, the state and prominent Islamist groups entered into an informal 'pact', which delineated the demands, promises, and boundaries involved in this process of 'opening'. This study suggests that it is not solely the violent or non-violent approach by the state to these groups that determines whether Islamists employ conflictive or cooperative patterns of action. Instead, this study hypothesizes that it is the convergence or divergence of the state from the 'pact' that determines the Islamist response; this allows us to better understand Islamist activity that seems 'unexpectedly' cooperative or conflictive vis-a-vis the state. The case studies of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and Egypt, and the Front Islamique du Salut in Algeria allow for a comparative exploration of this phenomenon.

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This dissertation studies the evolving relationship of the early 'Abbasid caliphs with the proto-Sunni 'ulama'. By the time of Harun al-Rashid, the 'Abbasids had aligned themselves with the emergent proto-Sunnitrends; a pattern of state - 'ulama' relations, with the caliph's view of his function approaching that of the 'ulama ', had begun to emerge. al-Ma'mun was uncharacteristic of the early 'Abbasids in claiming religious authority for himself, apparently to challenge the 'ulama's influence and authority. That effort proved abortive, and confirmed in its failure the earlier pattern of state - 'ulama' relations. The pattern was one of collaboration between the caliphs and the 'ulama'. Proto-Sunni scholars were among the beneficiaries of extensive caliphal patronage, and it was their viewpoints which caliphal interventions in religious life upheld. Owing perhaps to the effects of 'Abbasid patronage, but also to the implications of certain proto-Sunni viewpoints, proto-Sunnis were generally favourable towards the 'Abbasids. A convergence is discernible in the interests of the Caliphs and the 'ulama', and partly explains not only the latter's pro-'Abbasid sentiment but also why it was the proto-Sunni viewpoints that the 'Abbasids came to patronize.

Diss. Univ. Amsterdam, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.