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This study attempts to (1) determine the validity of the claim that Pakistan was demanded and achieved on the basis of Islamic Ideology, and (2) assess the pre-partition views of the Muslim leaders concerning the polity of Pakistan. The first chapter is a brief survey of the historical background from 1857 - 1930 demonstrating the forces effecting Islamic conciousness and separatism. Chapter two analyzes Muhammad Iqbal's religio-political thought as it emphasized Islamic Ideology and motivated religious modernism. [...]

This thesis is an attempt to interpret the conception of authority that was predominant among the Central and Northern Arabs at the time immediately preceding the rise of Islam. Since that conception was not explicitly formulated, we have analyzed the role and influence of the different political and religious functionaries as well as the reactions of their "subjects" to their commands in order to discover the basis of legitimacy for that authority. As there exists an essential relationship between authority and society, we have presented the social and economic organization and the ideal values of the pre-Islamic Arabs which might have influenced their conception of authority. That is why we discuss the Bedouin and the urban settlements separately. As a possible origin and justification of authority, we discuss its connection with religion, in particular, whether in pre-Islamic times there ever existed a theocratic rulership.

The Muslim community constituting 90% of Indonesia's total population, remains divided into two major factions: the Secular Nationalists, who believe in a radical separation between state and religion, and the Islamic Nationalists who, while not insisting on a fully Islamic State maintain that the Constitution should include a recognition of the special place of Islam. This thesis offers a study of the controversies surrounding the Five Basic Principles of the State, the Panca Sila, officially formulated for the first time in the Jakarta Charter signed on June 22, 1945. Special attention is paid to the revision of the Charter on August 18, 1945, and the reopening of the debates on the Jakarta Charter following the President's Decree of July 5, 1959. / La communauté musulmane, qui constitue 90% de la population indonésienne, reste divisée en deux groupes principaux: celui des nationalistes laiques, qui désirent une séparation totale entre la religion et l'état, et celui des nationalistes musulmans. Ces derniers, tout en n'insistant point sur la nécessité d'un état à caractère complètement islamique maintiennent que la constitution devrait inclure une reconaissance formelle de la place importante qu'occupe l'Islam au sein de la communauté. Cette étude se propose d'analyser les controverses suscitées par l'énonciation des Cinq Principes Fondamentaux de l'Etat, les Panca Sila; officiellement adoptés pour la première fois lors de la signature de la Charte de Jakarta, le 22 juin 1945. On mettra l'accent sur la révision de cette Charte, le 18 aout 1945, et sur la reourverture des débats autour de ce document à la suite du décret présidentiel du 5 juillet 1959.

This thesis is concerned with the description of Muslim society in contemporary Java, and pays particular attention to the two typologically distinctive groups, the so-called santri and abangan. While investigation is made into the origin of these two groups, this study is attempting to elucidate santri and abangan in their two essential aspects; firstly as socio-religious groups and secondly as socio-political powers. It also stresses the process by which the struggle of santri and abangan vis-a-vis the strife between different political ideologies becomes one of the basic determinants in Indonesian politics. / Cette thèse a pour objet la description de la Société Musulmane à Java. Elle attire particulièrement l'attention sur deux groupes typologiquement distincts le santri et le abangan. Même si la recherche étudie l'origine de ces deux groupes, elle va essayer d'analyser le santri et le abangan dans leurs deux aspects essentiels, premièrement comme groupes socio-religieux, et deuxièmement comme pouvoirs socio-politiques. Elle insiste aussi sur le processus par lequel la querelle entre le santri et le abangan, par rapport à la concurence des différentes idéologies politiques, devient un des déterminants essentiels dans la politique indonesienne.

This dissertation deals with al-Husayn's uprising and death based on the classical Arabic sources. It is argued that al-Husayn's uprising and opposition to Yazïd's caliphate were directly connected to the matter of the caliphate and the caliph's qualifications. He refused to recognize Yazïd's caliphate because he considered it as illegitimate due to the fact that Yazïd was not qualified to assume such an important office. It is also argued that because of Mu-c-âwiya, who attempted to secure Yazïd's succession by forcing all Muslims to pay homage to him, Yazïd became caliph. [...] / Ce mémoire est une étude de la révolte et mort de al-Husayn qui se base sure les sources arabes classiques. Nous proposons que la révolte de al-Husayn et son opposition au califate de Yazïd sont étroitement liées à l'institution du califat et aux conditions que le calife devait remplir. Il a refusé de reconnaître le califat de Yazïd, le considérant illégitime, puisque Yazïd n'avait pas les compétences pour occuper la charge d'un devoir aussi important. Nous proposons d'ailleurs que c'est à cause du califate de Mu-c-âwiya, qui, lui a tenté d'imposer la succession de Yazïd en obligeant les Musulmans à lui rendre hommage, que Yazïd est devenu calife. [...]

Shaykh Tabarsi was a Shi'ite scholar, the only Shi'ite theologian of importance in the twelfth century A.D. He produced a commentary on the Qur'an which scholars, both Shi'ite and Sunnite, have acclaimed as the leading work in the field of tafsir. No Western scholar has done any study on Tabarsi or on any of his works. This dissertation is therefore, the first work in a Western language to be devoted to this important Muslim scholar and theologian. [...]