The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. / International Politics / D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

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The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. / International Politics / D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Huberman.pdf: 3948916 bytes, checksum: 0ac5109e458a9c62d4b1fe7fe11bbf86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation aims at investigating a phenomena called Judaization of Palestine: its purpose, politics, means, instruments, techniques, reasoning, objectives and interests and measure its impact on Israel-Palestine matter and lives of people living in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) palestinians and jewish settlers. In that manner, the main manifestations of this phenomenon will be historically and analitically examined, such as the development of the Jewish settlements in Palestinian territories and the legal and burocratical instruments of social control over the Palestinian population between 1967 and 2013. The central problem of this investigation is focused on the oficial arguments of the israeli authorities about the Jewish presence in the OPT and the political impasse with the palestinians, linked to the paradigm of security and conflict in opposition to the Judaization of Palestine spectrum, which is about colonization, dispossession, volunteer and involunteer desplacement and social control of a foreigner dominant social ethnical group above other indigenous and subdued one. I intend to support the judaization narrative in opposition to the zionist hegemonic narrative as the most appropriate to understand some of the central aspects of the dispute between israelis and palestinians over that land, as the spatial fragmentation of Cisjordani, the Gaza Strip isolation, the silent displacement occuring in East Jerusalem and the maintenance of status quo. From this we can reach the relevance and justification for the elaboration of this dissertation / A presente dissertação pretende fazer uma investigação a respeito do fenômeno chamado de judaização da Palestina: qual é o seu propósito, políticas, meios, instrumentos, técnicas, racionalidade, objetivos e interesses, e medir o seu impacto sobre a questão Israel-Palestina e a vida das pessoas que residem nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados palestinos e colonos judeus. Desta forma, serão historicamente e analiticamente examinadas as principais manifestações deste fenômeno, como o desenvolvimento da política de assentamentos judeus nos territórios palestinos e os instrumentos legais e burocráticos de controle social da população palestina entre 1967 e 2013. Pretende-se identificar a racionalidade da burocracia colonial israelense. O problema central da presente investigação reside na contraposição dos argumentos oficiais das autoridades israelenses à respeito da presença judaica nos TPO e do impasse político com os palestinos, trancados nos paradigmas da segurança e do conflito, com o espectro proposto da judaização da Palestina, que trata da colonização, desapropriação, deslocamento voluntário e involuntário e controle social de um grupo étnico social dominante e estrangeiro sobre outro subjugado e indígena. Pretendo sustentar que a narrativa da judaização em oposição à narrativa hegemônica sionista é a mais apropriada para compreender alguns aspectos centrais da relação entre judeus e palestinos naquela terra, como a fragmentação espacial da Cisjordânia, o isolamento da Faixa de Gaza, os silenciosos despejos em Jerusalém Oriental e a manutenção do status quo. As autoridades israelenses conseguiram, por meio do projeto de judaização, despolitizar a questão Israel-Palestina, transformando-a em uma discussão econômica, humanitária e de segurança

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".