Il mio lavoro di tesi mira ad analizzare il processo di riforma fondiaria in atto dal 2009 in Burkina Faso, alla luce delle politiche di sviluppo rurale adottate a livello regionale (Africa occidentale francofona) e del percorso storico-politico che dalla conquista coloniale francese ci conduce all’ultima fase di democratizzazione del Burkina Faso. Ripercorrendo le principali strategie ed obiettivi di riforma agraria e fondiaria perseguiti dai Governi a livello regionale e nazionale intendo fare luce sui nodi irrisolti delle politiche di sviluppo rurale e sul rapporto politico che il Burkina Faso ha inteso costruire con il mondo rurale a partire dall’indipendenza, con un particolare focus sul periodo della rivoluzione sankarista (1983-1987). L’analisi storica dei sistemi di riconoscimento dei diritti locali di accesso e utilizzo della terra consente di avanzare riflessioni sull’ordine politico interno che i regimi coloniali e post-coloniali hanno inteso costruire con il mondo rurale e sull’effettiva inclusione della popolazione rurale nelle politiche di sviluppo adottate dai Governi a livello regionale e nazionale. Allo stesso tempo, identificando organi e istituzioni a cui è stato affidato a partire dall’indipendenza il potere di gestire le risorse e conferire diritti fondiari agli abitanti delle aree rurali ho intenzione di far emergere alcuni dei rapporti di forza e di potere esistenti tra livello nazionale e locale e il legame che intercorre tra di essi. L’obiettivo è quello di riflettere sulla possibilità che la riforma fondiaria in atto in Burkina Faso possa garantire una maggiore democraticità dei processi di sviluppo rurale e governance della terra. Attraverso l’analisi di tale processo di riforma è possibile contribuire al dibattito relativo alle strategie di sviluppo rurale in Africa occidentale tenendo conto delle problematicità politiche che tali processi di riforma si trovano ad affrontare / The ongoing international debate on rural development focuses on the legalization of land property rights as a mean to guarantee land tenure security, to promote agricultural investment and rural development. As a result in francophone West Africa new land policies have been elaborated with the specific aim of resolving a dual institutional and juridical system of land tenure which causes land conflicts and hinder economic growth. My thesis aims to analyze the ongoing process of land tenure reform in Burkina Faso in light of the rural development policies implemented in francophone West Africa since the colonial period. It also takes into account the rural development paths adopted by the Government of Burkina Faso from the French colonial conquest to the late democratization period. By retracing the main strategies of land and agrarian reform at regional and national level I shed light on the unresolved political relationship that the State has built with the rural population since independence. In particular I identify statutory and customary institutions who have been entrusted over time with the power to manage natural resources and to allocate land rights in order to bring out some of the power relationships existing between national and local levels. Through the historical analysis of land tenure systems I advance considerations on the inclusion of rural people in the rural development policies. The main aim is to reflect on the possibility of the ongoing land tenure reform in Burkina Faso to ensure a democratic governance of the land and a more inclusive process of rural development. With this focus on land tenure reform in Burkina Faso my thesis will lead to a critical analysis of the new wave of land policies in West Africa and contribute to the ongoing debate on rural development from a political point of view.

Many factors influence the propensity of young women to seek appropriate maternal healthcare, and they need to be considered when analyzing these women’s reproductive behavior. This study aimed to contribute to the analysis concerning Kenyan young women’s determinants on maternal healthcare-seeking behavior for the 5 years preceding the 2008/9 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey. The specific objectives were to: investigate the individual and contextual variables that may explain maternal healthcare habits; measure the individual, household and community effect on maternal healthcare attitudes in young women; assess the link between young women’s characteristics and the use of facilities for maternal healthcare; find a relationship between young women’s behavior and the community where they live; examine how the role of the local presence of healthcare facilities influences reproductive behavior, and if the specificity of services offered by healthcare facilities affects their inclination to use healthcare facilities, and measure the geographic differences that influence the propensity to seek appropriate maternal healthcare. The analysis of factors associated with maternal healthcare-seeking behavior for young women in Kenya was investigated using multilevel models. We performed three major analyses, which concerned the individual and contextual determinants influencing antenatal care (discussed in Part 6), delivery care (Part 7), and postnatal care (Part 8). Our results show that there is a significant variation in antenatal, delivery and postnatal care between communities, even if the majority of variability is explained by individual characteristics. There are differences at the women’s level on the probability of receiving antenatal care and delivering in a healthcare facility instead of at home. Moreover, community factors and availability of healthcare facilities on the territory are also crucial in influencing young women’s behavior. Therefore, policies addressed to youth’s reproductive health should also consider geographic inequalities and different types of barriers in access to healthcare facilities.

The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.

Participation appeared in development discourses for the first time in the 1970s, as a generic call for the involvement of the poor in development initiatives. Over the last three decades, the initial perspectives on participation intended as a project method for poverty reduction have evolved into a coherent and articulated theoretical elaboration, in which participation figures among the paraphernalia of good governance promotion: participation has acquired the status of “new orthodoxy”. Nevertheless, the experience of the implementation of participatory approaches in development projects seemed to be in the majority of cases rather disappointing, since the transformative potential of ‘participation in development’ depends on a series of factors in which every project can actually differ from others: the ultimate aim of the approach promoted, its forms and contents and, last but not least, the socio-political context in which the participatory initiative is embedded. In Egypt, the signature of a project agreement between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Federal Republic of Germany, in 1998, inaugurated a Participatory Urban Management Programme (PUMP) to be implemented in Greater Cairo by the German Technical Cooperation (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit, GTZ) and the Ministry of Planning (now Ministry of Local Development) and the Governorates of Giza and Cairo as the main counterparts. Now, ten years after the beginning of the PUMP/PDP and close to its end (December 2010), it is possible to draw some conclusions about the scope, the significance and the effects of the participatory approach adopted by GTZ and appropriated by the Egyptian counterparts in dealing with the issue of informal areas and, more generally, of urban development. Our analysis follows three sets of questions: the first set regards the way ‘participation’ has been interpreted and concretised by PUMP and PDP. The second is about the emancipating potential of the ‘participatory approach’ and its ability to ‘empower’ the ‘marginalised’. The third focuses on one hand on the efficacy of GTZ strategy to lead to an improvement of the delivery service in informal areas (especially in terms of planning and policies), and on the other hand on the potential of GTZ development intervention to trigger an incremental process of ‘democratisation’ from below.

Il Medio Oriente è una regione in cui le scarse risorse idriche giocano un ruolo fondamentale nei rapporti e nelle relazioni tra gli Stati. Soprattutto nell'area di Israele, Palestina e Giordania la natura transfrontaliera delle fonti idriche condivise è considerata da qualche ricercatore come un catalizzatore del più ampio conflitto arabo-israeliano. Altri studiosi, tuttavia, vedono nella cooperazione regionale sulle risorse idriche un potenziale cammino verso una pace duratura veicolata dalla natura interdipendente delle fonti idriche comuni a più territori. Dato che l'acqua è l'elemento che per molti aspetti contribuisce allo sviluppo sociale ed economico e dato che le fonti idriche sotterranee e di superficie non conoscono confini e si muovono liberamente nel territorio, la cooperazione tra gli Stati rivieraschi delle risorse idriche dovrebbe arrivare a prevalere sul conflitto. Unica nel suo genere, l'ong trilaterale israelo-palestinese giordana Friends of the Earth Middle East, FoEME, ha fatto proprio tale auspicio e dal 1994 punta a sviluppare progetti di cooperazione per la salvaguardia del patrimonio naturale dell'area del bacino del fiume Giordano e del Mar Morto. Attraverso l'esperienza del Progetto Good Water Neighbors, GWN, avviato nel 2002, sta lavorando ad una serie di iniziative nel campo dell'environmental awareness e del social empowerment a favore di comunità  israeliane, palestinesi e giordane transfrontaliere che condividono risorse idriche sotterranee o di superficie. Operando inizialmente a livello locale per identificare i problemi idrico-ambientali di ogni comunità  selezionata e lavorare con i cittadini (ragazzi, famiglie e amministratori municipali) per migliorare la conoscenza idrica locale attraverso attività  di educazione ambientale, di water awareness e piani di sviluppo urbano eco-compatibile, il Progetto GWN ha facilitato a livello transfrontaliero i rapporti tra le comunità  confinanti abbattendo la barriera di sfiducia e sospetto che normalmente impedisce relazioni pacifiche, ha coadiuvato l'analisi dei problemi idrici comuni cercando di risolverli attraverso uno sforzo programmatico condiviso e sostenibile, per giungere infine a livello regionale ad incoraggiare la gestione idrica comune attraverso lo scambio di informazioni, il dialogo e lo sforzo/impegno cooperativo congiunto tra gli attori parte del GWN al fine di incentivare la pace attraverso l'interesse comune della tutela delle fonti idriche condivise. Gli approcci di local development e participation, le azioni di confidence building e il peacebuilding attraverso la tutela ambientale applicati con il metodo di bottom up all'interno di un contesto non pacificato come quello del conflitto arabo-israeliano, fanno del Progetto GWN un esperimento innovativo e originale. Le comunità  israeliane, palestinesi e giordane selezionate hanno imparato a migliorare le proprie condizioni idrico-ambiennali cooperando assieme e sfruttando l'interdipendenza dalle fonti idriche condivise, avviando nel contempo rapporti pacifici con società  sempre considerate nemiche. La sfida è stata quella di far comprendere le potenzialità  di una cooperazione locale, in vista di un coordinamento regionale e di uno sforzo comune in grado di generare un beneficio collettivo. La lezione appresa finora durante questi primi sette anni di Progetto è stata quella di capire che non è necessario attendere la fine del conflitto per poter essere di aiuto alle proprie comunità  o per un benessere personale, ma si può agire subito, anche nel pieno dell'Intifada al-Aqsa e con i coprifuoco.

The irrigation scheme Eduardo Mondlane, situated in Chókwè District - in the Southern part of the Gaza province and within the Limpopo River Basin - is the largest in the country, covering approximately 30,000 hectares of land. Built by the Portuguese colonial administration in the 1950s to exploit the agricultural potential of the area through cash-cropping, after Independence it became one of Frelimo’s flagship projects aiming at the “socialization of the countryside” and at agricultural economic development through the creation of a state farm and of several cooperatives. The failure of Frelimo’s economic reforms, several infrastructural constraints and local farmers resistance to collective forms of production led to scheme to a state of severe degradation aggravated by the floods of the year 2000. A project of technical rehabilitation initiated after the floods is currently accompanied by a strong “efficiency” discourse from the managing institution that strongly opposes the use of irrigated land for subsistence agriculture, historically a major livelihood strategy for smallfarmers, particularly for women. In fact, the area has been characterized, since the end of the XIX century, by a stable pattern of male migration towards South African mines, that has resulted in an a steady increase of women-headed households (both de jure and de facto). The relationship between land reform, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and gender equality in Southern Africa is long debated in academic literature. Within this debate, the role of agricultural activities in irrigation schemes is particularly interesting considering that, in a drought-prone area, having access to water for irrigation means increased possibilities of improving food and livelihood security, and income levels. In the case of Chókwè, local governments institutions are endorsing the development of commercial agriculture through initiatives such as partnerships with international cooperation agencies or joint-ventures with private investors. While these business models can sometimes lead to positive outcomes in terms of poverty alleviation, it is important to recognize that decentralization and neoliberal reforms occur in the context of financial and political crisis of the State that lacks the resources to efficiently manage infrastructures such as irrigation systems. This kind of institutional and economic reforms risk accelerating processes of social and economic marginalisation, including landlessness, in particular for poor rural women that mainly use irrigated land for subsistence production. The study combines an analysis of the historical and geographical context with the study of relevant literature and original fieldwork. Fieldwork was conducted between February and June 2007 (where I mainly collected secondary data, maps and statistics and conducted preliminary visit to Chókwè) and from October 2007 to March 2008. Fieldwork methodology was qualitative and used semi-structured interviews with central and local Government officials, technical experts of the irrigation scheme, civil society organisations, international NGOs, rural extensionists, and water users from the irrigation scheme, in particular those women smallfarmers members of local farmers’ associations. Thanks to the collaboration with the Union of Farmers’ Associations of Chókwè, she has been able to participate to members’ meeting, to education and training activities addressed to women farmers members of the Union and to organize a group discussion. In Chókwè irrigation scheme, women account for the 32% of water users of the familiar sector (comprising plot-holders with less than 5 hectares of land) and for just 5% of the private sector. If one considers farmers’ associations of the familiar sector (a legacy of Frelimo’s cooperatives), women are 84% of total members. However, the security given to them by the land title that they have acquired through occupation is severely endangered by the use that they make of land, that is considered as “non efficient” by the irrigation scheme authority. Due to a reduced access to marketing possibilities and to inputs, training, information and credit women, in actual fact, risk to see their right to access land and water revoked because they are not able to sustain the increasing cost of the water fee. The myth of the “efficient producer” does not take into consideration the characteristics of inequality and gender discrimination of the neo-liberal market. Expecting small-farmers, and in particular women, to be able to compete in the globalized agricultural market seems unrealistic, and can perpetuate unequal gendered access to resources such as land and water.

No description available.

No description available.

With their accession to the European Union, twelve new countries - Romania among them - (re)entered the international community of international donors. In the history of development aid this can be seen as a unique event: it is for the first time in history that such a large number of countries become international donors, with such short notice and in such a particular context that sees some scholars announcing the ‘death’ of development. But in spite of what might be claimed regarding the ‘end’ of the development era, development discourse seems to be rather vigorous and in good health: it is able to extert an undeniable force of attraction over the twelve countries that, in a matter of years, have already convinced themselves of its validity and adhered to its main tenets. This thesis collects evidence for improving our understanding of this process that sees the co-optation of twelve new countries to the dominant theory and practice of development cooperation. The evidence collected seems to show that one of the tools employed by the promoters of this co-optation process is that of constructing the ‘new’ Member States as ‘new’, inexpert donors that need to learn from the ‘old’ ones. By taking a case-study approach, this thesis gathers data that suggests that conceiving of the ‘twelve’ as ‘new’ donors is both historically inaccurate and value-ladden. On one hand, Romania’s case-study illustrates how in the (socialist) past at least one in the group of the twelve was particularly conversant in the discourse of international development. On the other hand, the process of co-optation, while being presented as a knowledgeproducing process, can also be seen as an ignorance-producing procedure: Romania, along with its fellow new Member States, takes the opportunity of ‘building its capacity’ and ‘raising its awareness’ of development cooperation along the line drawn by the European Union, but at the same time it seems to un-learn and ‘lower’ its awareness of development experience in the (socialist) past. This is one possible reading of this thesis. At a different level, this thesis can also be seen as an attempt to account of almost five decades of international development discourse in one specific country – Romania – in three different socio-political contexts: the socialist years (up to the year 1989), the ‘transition years’ (from 1989 to the pre-accession years) and the membership to the European Union. In this second reading, the thesis seeks to illustrate how – contrary to widespread beliefs – before 1989 Romania’s international development discourse was particularly vivid: in the most varied national and international settings President Ceausescu unfolded an extensive discursive activity on issues pertaining to international development; generous media coverage of affairs concerning the developing countries and their fight for development was the rule rather than the exception; the political leadership wanted the Romanians not only to be familiarized with (or ‘aware of’ to use current terminology) matters of underdevelopment, but also to prove a sense of solidarity with these countries, as well as a sense of pride for the relations of ‘mutual help’ that were being built with them; finally, international development was object of academic attention and the Romanian scholars were able not only to reflect on major developments, but could also formulate critical positions towards the practices of development aid. Very little remains of all this during the transition years, while in the present those who are engaged in matters pertaining to international development do so with a view of building Romania as an EU-compliant donor.

No description available.