CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN RUSSIA&rsquo / S RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES IN EURASIA (2000-2005) Dereli, Pinar M. Sc., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assit. Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrisever June 2006, 112 pages This thesis seeks to analyze change and continuity in Russia&rsquo / s relations with the United States (US) in Eurasia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin between 2000 and 2005. The thesis argues that the fundamental change in Russia&rsquo / s relations with the US came immediately after Putin&rsquo / s presidency, rather than 9/11 terrorist attacks, as his foreign policy priorities required the establishment of close relations with the US as much as possible. The September 11 terrorist attacks have only facilitated the implementation of Putin&rsquo / s this pragmatic foreign policy. In fact, the continuation of differences between Russia and the US concerning bilateral and regional issues shows that their strategic partnership is mainly rhetoric driven by the short-term tactical considerations rather than shared global values and long-term interests. For this reason, Eurasia continued to be an area of confrontation in Russia&rsquo / s relations with the US in the post-9/11 era. The thesis consists of four main chapters apart from introduction and conclusion. The first main chapter discusses the evolution of Russian foreign policy towards the US between 1991 and 2000. The following chapter deals with the sources of change in Russian foreign policy towards the US before 9/11 events. The next chapter examines Russian-US bilateral relations after 9/11. Finally, the last chapter discusses the impact of 9/11 on the Russian-US relations in Eurasia. Keywords: Pragmatism, Vladimir Putin, Russian foreign policy, the United States, September 11.

One of the most comprehensive collective rights regimes has been developed in the area of indigenous peoples and respective land and resource rights in particular. International legal instruments (ILO C169 and UNDRIPS) and Inter-American jurisprudence (e.g. the Saramaka and Sarayaku cases) significantly safeguard such rights. The latter materialise in the form of prior consultation mechanisms regarding natural resource extraction and ultimately exemplify indigenous peoples’ self-determination. However, practice shows that such collective mechanisms are established without truly taking indigenous peoples’ representative institutions according to their customs and traditions into account. This can be attributed to the fact that the interplay and local dynamics between indigenous communities, leaders and representative organisations are too complex to be reduced to collective wholes. In order to disentangle such dynamics, power relations between the players, issues of legitimacy, representativity and accountability of participatory mechanisms, and the inclusion of subgroups and individuals in collective decision-making are examined. By combining international legal standards and ethnographic research, a legal anthropological perspective informs this piece of research. Firstly, insights are gained by understanding individual or ‘subgroup’ rights in relation to collective claims in international and regional legal standards. Secondly, this relationship is observed by means of two case studies in the Bolivian Lowlands that shall shed light upon the implementation of such standards in the extractive sector. Thereby, specific subgroups are chosen to illustrate participatory exclusion and inequalities, including women (I), different age groups (II), monolingual people and persons with lower education levels (III) and local leaders (IV). Empirical insights draw on a prior consultation process with Guaraní people in the hydrocarbon sector and collective decision-making mechanisms in the case of Chiquitano people in the mining sector. Based on such empirical observations, a catalogue of guiding principles will be proposed in order to refine the existing UNDRIPS framework.

During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention.

Over the last ten years Britain and Turkey have sustained an unusually harmonious economic relationship. However, this has not been the outcome of undirected free markets and the effective exploitation of comparative advantage. Instead, it has come about as the result of a series of political compromises. This analysis looks at how the relationship has evolved on a variety of political levels: through international organisations, state-to-state diplomacy, the direct state sponsorship of British business in Turkey and the varied political relations of British multinationals inside Turkey. At each level, activist British governments have used political methods to promote British business, even sometimes at the expense of their reputation or other strategic interests. Complementing this is a structural power imbalance between the two countries, which has helped open up Turkey&rsquo / s markets to British capital.

This study aims to examine the foreign policy orientation of the Republican People&rsquo / s Party (CHP) during 2003 and 2005. Thus, four major foreign policy issues during this period will be scrutinized. These issues are namely, Turkey&rsquo / s EU membership process, the Cyprus problem, the US-Turkey relations and the Armenian question. Taking into consideration the current development concerning these issues, this study will focus on the views and reactions of the CHP. In this respect, the main determinant factors behind the foreign policy stance of the party will be discussed. Finally, comparing the foreign policy understanding of the CHP in the past, the study will focus on the question whether the CHP of today constitutes continuation or a shift from the past CHP administrations. At the end of the study, the results of a research issued at the current CHP deputies so as to evaluate their foreign policy orientations will be revealed.

ABSTRACT A POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY: THE EFFECTS OF THE NATURAL RESOURCE-FINANCIAL SECTORS ON THE FORMATION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET Soltanov, Elnur MS, Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Fatih Tayfur January 2004, 114 pages This research aims to analyze Russian natural resource-finance sectors&rsquo / effects on Russian foreign policy from the collapse of the Soviet Union on. The main question it tries to answer is why they are successful to determine the main contours of a relatively peaceful foreign policy in a crises-laden Russia which have had so many reasons to switch to an aggressive behavior. In this regard, the military-industrial complex is the other crucial economic sector to be referred to frequently. Given the overwhelming nature of the international structure that Russia finds itself in, and given the general change in the worldview of the Russians, it becomes clear that the resource-finance sector on the one hand and the military-industrial complex on the other are much more than mere economic sectors, being organic material cores of alternative national and international identities. Such a holistic approach in turn makes it possible to draw on the explanatory power of the legitimacy factor and to go beyond different group preferences in accounting for Russian foreign policy. Analyzing different sectors&rsquo / and their commodities&rsquo / structural characteristics in the context of the international market helps to discard the &ldquo / politics of international trade&rdquo / as a too narrow conceptual framework to study Russian foreign policy and to understand different economic sectors&rsquo / true explanatory utility.

The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.

In this thesis, Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy between 1970 and 2008 is examined. The main question of this thesis is what the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy are. In order to identify the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy its determinants are analyzed by looking at its three interacting environments: domestic, regional and international. In other words, the impacts of these three environments on Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy conceptions, behaviors and decisions are discussed. While examining Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy, special attention is exerted to its foreign policy towards Iran which is the most influential regional power in the Gulf. It is observed that Oman&rsquo / s foreign policy towards Iran is the best telling example of how Oman balances the benefits and constraints of the three environments. Keywords: Oman&rsquo / s Foreign Policy, Characteristics of Oman&rsquo / s Foreign Policy, Domestic, Regional and International Environments, Oman&rsquo / s Foreign Policy Towards Iran.

In the last 30 years many changes have taken place within the Cowlitz Indian Tribe. These changes involve the tribe’s sovereignty and have greatly impacted the emic identity of the tribe. Previous identity research with the Cowlitz predates these changes and no longer accurately describe the Cowlitz. The question for this research was how have these changes affected the emic identity of the Cowlitz today as seen in their community and interactions? And how does their identity now compare with their identity in the times of pre-contact and initial contact with whites? This research uses Manuel DeLanda’s assemblage theory to assess and compare the emic identity of the contemporary and historical tribe in terms of sovereignty, identity, and cultural rejuvenation. When the structure, relationships, activities, and purposes of the tribe and groups within the contemporary tribe were analyzed, there was a striking resemblance to the community system described in early settler journals and histories of the Cowlitz. The research was cross-sectional, including ethnographic study, interviews of tribal members, document analysis, and historical analysis. In an attempt to allow the Cowlitz people to speak for themselves rather than project ideas onto the tribe, each section of the research first allows tribal members to voice their opinions and then relies on Cowlitz voices to confirm the analysis. The final dissertation was then submitted to the tribe for comment.