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I was born in the district village of Cilimus, a little mountainous place in the residency of Cirebon. Between five and nine years old I suffered from dysentery, typhus and eye disease which could have made me die or go blind. Praise be to God I recovered under the loving care of my parents. At that time the uprising of the PKI broke out and soon after the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) was set up by Ir. Sukarno. From 1928 till 1932 Indonesia suffered from the Great Depression which caused much unemployment and business became very bad. At first my education was not a great success since my parents were hesitant in choosing between sending me to a Chinese school or a Dutch school. When I was successful in finishing at Dutch Primary School with good examination records I went to Solo and Yogyakarta to attend Dutch teachers’ Training College and a Dutch Theological College. I had to leave school when the Japanese arrived. My family had to move to Kadugede, a remote village on the slope of Mount Ciremai, 45 km from the city of Cirebon. I could not continue my studies since all Dutch schools were closed. All the young people had to undergo military training or serve the Japanese Military by building airports and so on. I underwent Japanese Keibotai (Intelligence) military training in Linggajati, a mountainous village, 5 km from Cilimus. The Keibotai military training centre in Linggajati was headed by Mr. Watanabe who was a colonel and quite likely responsible to Colonel Kurija, chief of the Joohoobu (Intelligence Staff) of the 16th Army. Some other assistants to Watanabe were Akano, Fukuda and Tomita. The purpose of this training was to train the Chinese youth to become auxiliary Intelligence Staff. I had to flee to the military training dormitory when I was not permitted to go home in order to get engaged to my fiancée. When I came back to the military training I was punished by one week’s room arrest. One month after the arrest I heard that Japan had surrendered to the Allied Forces after suffering from atomic bombardments on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I returned home on 15 August 1945. Two days later, 17 August 1945, Sukarno and Hatta proclaimed the independence of Indonesia. Native young people underwent military training to defend their country. The republic set up the people’s Security Body (BKR) which later become the People’s security Forces (TKR), the foundation of the current Indonesian Armed Forces. Somebody was slandering me and accused me of being a spy for the Japanese military. I had an interview with the council of the BKR of Kuningan which trusted me and set me free. On 10 March 1946 my fiancée and I celebrated our wedding party. When the Dutch occupied West Java I went to Batavia (Jakarta) to find a job and asked my parents, my wife and children to come over when I settled. In Jakarta I improved my knowledge and achieved several diplomas, and degrees in Languages and Business. For many years I worked as manager and managing director of several enterprises until I ran a transportation business where I had 50% share and was appointed Managing Director. The business was running smoothly until the abortive coup of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). After the Communist coup and the rupia devaluation there came a slump in my business. I got a job at the National University as lecturer in English and Dutch. I also had private students in English, Dutch and Indonesian which became a good teaching business. But since I wanted to obtain a foreign degree, my wife and I migrated in 1983 to Australia. In this thesis I address the issue of the role of the Chinese in late colonial Indonesia. In many ways my family was typical of the Chinese as businesspeople and entrepreneurs. My attitudes to colonialism changed from enthusiastic admiration for the Dutch in my youth to a more nationalistic approach and embrace of the Indonesian Republic as a young man. While, like most Chinese, I was no supporter of Japan’s war aims, I was obliged to serve in Japanese-sponsored organisations and my analysis of the Japanese occupation is not entirely negative. This autobiographical analysis charts these important (and representative) changes in my attitudes, as well as providing a personal perspective on a crucial period in Indonesia’s history from the point of view of a representative member of a significant minority. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Cette thèse se propose de décrire l'évolution de l'Islam indonésien et le rôle complexe qu'ont joue les ulama dans l'histoire moderne de l'Indonésie, et plus particulierement pendant la période de l'occupation japonaise.

This thesis proposes a new perspective on Malaysian Chinese studies by exploring issues of identity formation refracted through the lens of contestations of war memory, communal history and state-sponsored national history. In multiethnic Malaysia, despite persistent nation-building programs towards inculcating a shared Malaysian national identity, the question as to whether the Chinese are foremost Chinese or Malaysian remains at the heart of Malaysian socio-political debates. Existing scholarship on the Malaysian Chinese is often framed within post-independent development discourses, inevitably juxtaposing the Chinese minority condition against Malay political and cultural supremacy. Similarly, explorations of war memory and history echo familiar Malay-Chinese, dominant-marginalised or national-communal binary tropes. This thesis reveals that prevailing contestations of memory and history are, at their core, struggles for cultural inclusion and belonging. It further maps the overlapping intersections between individual (personal/familial), communal and official histories in the shaping of Malaysian Chinese identities. In tracing the historical trajectory of this community from migrants to its current status as ‘not-quite-citizens,’ the thesis references a longue durée perspective to expose the motif of Otherness embedded within Chinese experience. The distinctiveness of the Japanese occupation of British Malaya between 1941-1945 is prioritised as a historical watershed which compounded the Chinese as a distinct and separate Other. This historical period has also perpetuated simplifying myths of Malay collaboration and Chinese victimhood; these continue to cast their shadows over interethnic relations and influence Chinese representations of self within Malaysian society. In the interstices between Malay-centric national history and marginalised Chinese war memory lie war memory silences. These silences reveal that obfuscation of Malaysia’s wartime past is not only the purview of the state; Chinese complicity is evident in memory-work which selectively (mis)remembers, rejects and rehabilitates war memory. In excavating these silences, the hitherto unexplored issue of intergenerational memory transmission is addressed to discern how reverberations of the wartime past may colour Chinese self-image in the present. The thesis further demonstrates that the marginalisation of Chinese war memory from official historiography complicates the ongoing project of reconciling the Malaysian Chinese to a Malay-dominated nationalist dogma.

This dissertation follows the activism of Korean students in New York City and the trajectory of their American education as it applied to Korea’s colonization under the Empire of Japan. As a focused historical account of the educational experiences of Korean students in New York from 1907 to 1937, this dissertation uses archival evidence from their associations, correspondence, publications, and the institutions they studied at to construct a transnational narrative that positions the Korean students operating within and outside the confines of their colonial experience. The following dissertation answers how the Korean students applied their American education and experiences to the Korean independence movement, and emphasizes the interplay of colonization, religion, and American universities in contouring the students’ activism and hopes for a liberated Korea.

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Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / In the 1960s, modernization theory became an important analytical tool to conceptualize change in the Third World. As opposed to rebuilding societies that had already attained industrialization as was done with the Marshall Plan, modernization theorists focused on creating a total theory that encapsulated the entire arc of development from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial society. Aware that a colonial relationship subordinating nations on the periphery to the West was impossible, modernization theorists sought to create an amicable bond based on consent. Modernization theory served as the underlying logic of the Alliance for Progress, Peace Corps, and the Strategic Hamlet Program in Vietnam. This thesis argues that although modernization theory certainly had novel aspects, notably its social and psychological elements, much of the theory simply consisted of the coalesced logic, assumptions, and methods acquired from three previous American experiences with development, particularly the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), Point Four Program, and occupation of Japan after World War II. I argue that thought concerning development from the 1930s through the 1960s should be seen as a continuum rather than view modernization theory in the 1950s and 1960s as completely novel. Modernization theorists both intentionally and unknowingly incorporated into modernization theory the logic, assumptions, and methods developed in previous development schemes. Chapter Two examines how the democratic decentralized structure of the TVA became embedded in post-World War II thought about development as an alternative to communist models of development. The chapter also explores TVA director David Lilienthal’s and modernization theorists’ emphasis on technology as both harbingers of modernization and evidence of modernity. Chapter Three investigates how Chester Bowles, the director of the Point Four Program in India, and modernization theorists used Keynesian economics in their development model, arguing that modernization could be induced by government spending in agriculture, education, infrastructure, and health and sanitation. Chapter Three also explores how Bowles and modernization theorists used an evolutionary theory of development derived from America’s past to guide their development in the Third World. Chapter Four examines the similarity between what officials of the Japanese occupation and modernization theorists considered traditional and modern. The chapter also explains that both groups believed in the universal applicability of the principles of American society.