This dissertation contributes to the study of American Christianity by tracing the apocalyptic thought of New England evangelical Calvinism from Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758) to Lyman Beecher (1775-1863). Covering the period of the First Great Awakening in the eighteenth century to the dawn of the Second Great Awakening in the nineteenth century, the study identifies Edwards as the progenitor of a distinctive tradition of Calvinist apocalyptic thought. Edwardsean historical-redemptive apocalypticism highlights the “work of redemption” as the unfolding spiritual drama of conversion enacted in various historical stages. Its three-fold emphasis is on revivalism, the afflictive nature of church history, and the cosmic dimensions of an overarching redemptive narrative culminating in Christ’s Second Coming. Edwards’s immediate disciples, Joseph Bellamy (1719-1790) and Samuel Hopkins (1721-1803), reinterpreted their mentor’s insights to create an Edwardsean school of New England “New Divinity” thought. Beneath the veneer of New Divinity theology was a strong undercurrent of Edwardsean apocalypticism, which the second generation Edwardseans adapted to reflect the young nation’s call to social action. The revivals of the Second Great Awakening were driven in large part by the millennial spirit of this New Divinity apocalyptic tradition. Due to rapid societal changes at the turn of the century, Edwardseans of the third generation led the efforts in institutionalizing religious and moral reform activities. Along with this Protestant “kingdom building” came a shift in Edwardsean eschatological priorities. It moved away from the central Edwardsean motif of conversion/redemption to moralism—from a theology centered upon otherworldly apocalypticism toward a greater focus on societal reform. This transition from subsuming the grand narrative of redemption under the overall rubric of God’s sovereignty to one that viewed the millennium in relation to humanistic moral reform was led by Lyman Beecher (1775-1863), who serves as the representative of the “millennial turn” in Edwardsean apocalypticism during the Second Great Awakening. An overview of Edwardsean apocalyptic thought between the two Great Awakenings provides historians an important window to connect and interpret the development of New England Calvinist eschatology that few have explored in depth. These ideas continue to enlighten our understanding of modern-day iterations of evangelical eschatology.

This thesis examines the revivalist writings of Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758) and George Whitefield (1714-1770) for evidence that the Great Awakening altered their perspective on revival. It is principally based on primary sources written between 1736 and 1743. Six separate chapters explore their background, their understanding of revival, their efforts at propagating it, their techniques in managing the revival, their defense of revival, and their institutionalization of revival. Both their understandings of revival came from their own observations of the revivals that accompanied their evangelistic efforts. Their theological background, heavily influenced by Calvin, insisted that God was responsible for both conversions and revival. The thesis notes that Whitefield�s and Edwards� use of four primary techniques to propagate revival evolved as they experienced revival. Their preaching, their organization of small, religious education groups, their publishing of sermons, and their written narratives of revival all show signs of adaptation to changing circumstances. Both managed revival by using small groups and publications to guide people way from inappropriate spiritual expressions. These groups and documents also provided opportunities to educate new converts about their spiritual experiences. Edwards and Whitefield had the opportunity to clarify their understanding of revival as they defended the revival against those critics who questioned their claims about God�s role in the religious events of 1735-1743. Both institutionalized revival by interacting with the next generation of evangelical ministers and by making available their doctrines and their own experiences in their published narratives. This propensity to publish their reflections on revival allowed future generations access to their revival principles. The overriding hypothesis of this study is that Whitefield�s and Edwards� understanding of revival grew out of their involvement in revival in the eighteenth century religious revivals of colonial North America and that their revival writings and preaching were attempts to codify and transfer the lessons they had learned about revival to future generations of Christians who might, they hoped, themselves experience a God-ordained time of revival. The key conclusions of this study are that 1) Whitefield�s and Edwards� positions on revival issues developed through repeated exposures to revival, 2) Whitefield and Edwards used similar means to propagate, manage, defend, and institutionalize revival, 3) Whitefield�s sermons and journals themselves express a clear and concise theology, 4) a comparison of Whitefield�s and Edwards� theology refutes the suggestion that the lack of a uniform theology throughout the colonies negates the reality of the Great Awakening, 5) a careful study of Whitefield�s and Edwards� revival writings produces a heightened awareness of the nature of their narrative works, 6) Edwards� revival writings show a concern for worship that is too often missed in studies of his work, 7) Edwards and Whitefield were actively involved in developing, recording, and teaching the principles of authentic revival.

This thesis examines the revivalist writings of Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758) and George Whitefield (1714-1770) for evidence that the Great Awakening altered their perspective on revival. It is principally based on primary sources written between 1736 and 1743. Six separate chapters explore their background, their understanding of revival, their efforts at propagating it, their techniques in managing the revival, their defense of revival, and their institutionalization of revival. Both their understandings of revival came from their own observations of the revivals that accompanied their evangelistic efforts. Their theological background, heavily influenced by Calvin, insisted that God was responsible for both conversions and revival. The thesis notes that Whitefield�s and Edwards� use of four primary techniques to propagate revival evolved as they experienced revival. Their preaching, their organization of small, religious education groups, their publishing of sermons, and their written narratives of revival all show signs of adaptation to changing circumstances. Both managed revival by using small groups and publications to guide people way from inappropriate spiritual expressions. These groups and documents also provided opportunities to educate new converts about their spiritual experiences. Edwards and Whitefield had the opportunity to clarify their understanding of revival as they defended the revival against those critics who questioned their claims about God�s role in the religious events of 1735-1743. Both institutionalized revival by interacting with the next generation of evangelical ministers and by making available their doctrines and their own experiences in their published narratives. This propensity to publish their reflections on revival allowed future generations access to their revival principles. The overriding hypothesis of this study is that Whitefield�s and Edwards� understanding of revival grew out of their involvement in revival in the eighteenth century religious revivals of colonial North America and that their revival writings and preaching were attempts to codify and transfer the lessons they had learned about revival to future generations of Christians who might, they hoped, themselves experience a God-ordained time of revival. The key conclusions of this study are that 1) Whitefield�s and Edwards� positions on revival issues developed through repeated exposures to revival, 2) Whitefield and Edwards used similar means to propagate, manage, defend, and institutionalize revival, 3) Whitefield�s sermons and journals themselves express a clear and concise theology, 4) a comparison of Whitefield�s and Edwards� theology refutes the suggestion that the lack of a uniform theology throughout the colonies negates the reality of the Great Awakening, 5) a careful study of Whitefield�s and Edwards� revival writings produces a heightened awareness of the nature of their narrative works, 6) Edwards� revival writings show a concern for worship that is too often missed in studies of his work, 7) Edwards and Whitefield were actively involved in developing, recording, and teaching the principles of authentic revival.

John Erskine was the leading Evangelical in the Church of Scotland in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Educated in an enlightened setting at Edinburgh University, he learned to appreciate the epistemology of John Locke and other empiricists alongside key Scottish Enlightenment figures such as his ecclesiastical rival, William Robertson. Although groomed to follow in his father’s footsteps as a lawyer, Erskine changed career paths in order to become a minister of the Kirk. He was deeply moved by the endemic revivals in the west of Scotland and determined that his contribution to the burgeoning Evangelical movement on both sides of the Atlantic would be much greater as a clergyman than a lawyer. Yet Erskine was no ‘enthusiast’. He integrated the style and moral teachings of the Enlightenment into his discourses and posited new theories on traditional views of Calvinism in his theological treatises. Erskine’s thought, however, never transgressed the boundaries of orthodoxy. His goal was to update Evangelical Calvinism with the new style and techniques of the Enlightenment without sacrificing the gospel message. While Erskine was widely recognised as an able preacher and theologian, his primary contribution to Evangelicalism was as a disseminator. He sent correspondents like the New England pastor Jonathan Edwards countless religious and philosophical works so that he and others could learn about current ideas, update their writings to conform to the Age of Reason and provide an apologetic against perceived heretical authors. Erskine also was crucial in the publishing of books and pamphlets by some of the best Evangelical theologians in America and Britain. Within his lifetime, Erskine’s main contribution to Evangelicalism was as a propagator of an enlightened form of Calvinism.

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This study explores continuities in thought between Jonathan Edwards and Ralph Waldo Emerson by comparing their respective views on spiritual awakening. Their parallel ideas are discussed as results of similar perceptual dispositions which lead both to view awakening as an inner metamorphosis that leaves man less self-centered and more capable of a universal perception and appreciation of spiritual unity and beauty. Emphasized are parallels in Edwards's and Emerson's concepts of God, their views on the nature of awakening, their versions of preparation, and their thoughts about virtue and the awakened man. These continuities are also discussed as ideas that compose an underlying unity in American thought which unites the seemingly contradictory heritages of Puritanism and transcendentalism.

Virtue can be seen as a core construct of pastoral theology when it is understood as a relational dynamic which includes the experience of suffering and the pastoral response of compassion. This thesis probes the philosophical theology of Jonathan Edwards, who proposed that virtue is a form of beauty defined as "consent to being." Edwards' construct of virtue is examined from its inception in his pastoral work at Northampton parish. Although it was offered in the context of the 18th century debates in moral philosophy, it is argued that Edwards' idea of virtue is a unique theological contribution to our understanding of the nature of virtue. The implications of this conception of virtue are weighed against current discussions in ethics and moral philosophy on the theme of virtue. Edwards' idea of "consent to being" is expanded from a pastoral theological perspective to include the notion of compassion as an integrative motif. The structure of experience and how we speak about our experiences are explored in relation to this aesthetic understanding of virtue as a form of beauty. This leads to the notion of compassion as ontological consent. Since language is the vehicle by which our experiences are conveyed, the thesis probes the issue of how moral vision is expressed in "experience-near" language through parable, poem, and lament. Moral vision is articulated most adequately through such language, the formulation of which takes the form of a necessary quest. The thesis concludes with a constructive proposal concerning a mature pastoral theology of virtue. This may be seen as an expansion of Edwards' concept of "consent to being" from the vantage point of pastoral theology. It is argued that a dynamic vision of virtue requires some connection between the experience of suffering and the inward striving toward the greatest good. The essence of virtue can be best understood, from a pastoral theological perspective, as the relational dynamic of "suffering with" another human being. / Practical Theology / D.Th. (Practical Theology)

Edwards Amasa Park (1808-1900) of Andover championed Edwardsean Calvinism in the United States from the Jacksonian era until the very close of the nineteenth century by employing rhetorical strategies that lent his New England theology fresh apologetic usefulness. The thesis demonstrates that Park has been incorrectly identified as a Taylorite but, extending the argument of Joseph Conforti, ought to be viewed as re-casting his inherited Hopkinsian exercise scheme into a fresh historical synthesis influenced by contemporary patterns of thought. Park’s own training at Andover in the irenic divinity of Moses Stuart and Leonard Woods, his application as rhetorician of the work of Hugh Blair and George Campbell and his exposure in Germany to the Vermittlungstheologie of Friedrich Tholuck and Julius Müller gave specific definition to his own theological project. Additionally, the thesis argues that Park ought not to be viewed as a romantic idealist in the line of Horace Bushnell or as a proto-liberal in advance of the Andover liberals who succeeded him. Park retained a life-long commitment to a commingled epistemology and methodology derived from Lockean empiricism, Baconian induction, natural theology and Scottish common sense realism. As a formidable apologist for his revivalist inheritance identified with Jonathan Edwards and Samuel Hopkins, Edwards Amasa Park conserved the substance and prolonged the influence of his beloved New England theology by securing for it modes of expression well fitted to his nineteenth-century audience.

Virtue can be seen as a core construct of pastoral theology when it is understood as a relational dynamic which includes the experience of suffering and the pastoral response of compassion. This thesis probes the philosophical theology of Jonathan Edwards, who proposed that virtue is a form of beauty defined as "consent to being." Edwards' construct of virtue is examined from its inception in his pastoral work at Northampton parish. Although it was offered in the context of the 18th century debates in moral philosophy, it is argued that Edwards' idea of virtue is a unique theological contribution to our understanding of the nature of virtue. The implications of this conception of virtue are weighed against current discussions in ethics and moral philosophy on the theme of virtue. Edwards' idea of "consent to being" is expanded from a pastoral theological perspective to include the notion of compassion as an integrative motif. The structure of experience and how we speak about our experiences are explored in relation to this aesthetic understanding of virtue as a form of beauty. This leads to the notion of compassion as ontological consent. Since language is the vehicle by which our experiences are conveyed, the thesis probes the issue of how moral vision is expressed in "experience-near" language through parable, poem, and lament. Moral vision is articulated most adequately through such language, the formulation of which takes the form of a necessary quest. The thesis concludes with a constructive proposal concerning a mature pastoral theology of virtue. This may be seen as an expansion of Edwards' concept of "consent to being" from the vantage point of pastoral theology. It is argued that a dynamic vision of virtue requires some connection between the experience of suffering and the inward striving toward the greatest good. The essence of virtue can be best understood, from a pastoral theological perspective, as the relational dynamic of "suffering with" another human being. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Practical Theology)

This study addresses eighteenth-century English-speaking evangelicals' understandings of church history, through the lens of published attempts to represent preceding Christian centuries panoramically or comprehensively. Sources entail several short reflections on history emerging in the early years of the transatlantic Revival (1730s-1740s) and subsequent, more substantial efforts by evangelical leaders John Gillies, Jonathan Edwards, John Wesley, Joseph and Isaac Milner, and Thomas Haweis. Little scholarly analysis exists on these sources, aside from the renaissance of interest in recent decades in Edwards. This is surprising, considering the acknowledged prominence of history-writing in the eighteenth century and the influence attributed, then and now, to the works of authors such as Gibbon, Hume, and Robertson. The aim is, first, to elucidate each of the above evangelicals' interpretations of the Christian past, both in overview and according to what they said on a roster of particular historical events, people and movements, and then to consider shared and divergent aspects. These aspects range from points of detail to paradigmatic theological convictions. Secondarily, evangelical church histories are analyzed in relation to earlier Protestant as well as eighteenth-century 'enlightened' historiography, in part through attention to evangelical authors' explicit engagement with these currents. This contextualization assists in determining the unique qualities of evangelical interpretations. Is there, then, evidence of a characteristically 'evangelical' perspective on church history? An examination of this neglected area illumines patterns and particulars of evangelicals' historical thought, and these in turn communicate the self-perceptions and the defining features of evangelicalism itself. Findings support the primary contention that evangelical leaders made use of a dynamic pattern of revival and declension as a means of accounting for the full history of Christianity. Beyond displaying the central place of 'revival' for evangelicals, these church histories demonstrate evangelicalism‘s complex relationship—involving both receptivity and critique—with Protestant and Enlightenment currents of historical inquiry.