published_or_final_version / Journalism and Media Studies Centre / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

by Tak-hung Fung. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves i-v. / ABSTRACT / CHAPTERS / Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- News framing / Chapter 2.1 --- The Concept of News Frames --- p.4 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Formation of News Frames --- p.5 / Chapter 3. --- Routine Mode Vs Crisis Mode / Chapter 3.1 --- Definition of Crisis --- p.14 / Chapter 3.2 --- Framing the News: Routine and Crisis --- p.15 / Chapter 3.3 --- Routine Mode vs Crisis Mode: A Comparison --- p.19 / Chapter 4. --- The Press Structure in Hong Kong / Chapter 4.1 --- The Political Press --- p.21 / Chapter 4.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.22 / Chapter 4.3 --- Framing Chinese News: The Routine Mode --- p.23 / Chapter 5. --- "Hypotheses, The Case and Methodology" / Chapter 5.1 --- Hypotheses --- p.27 / Chapter 5.2 --- The Case --- p.28 / Chapter 5.3 --- Research Method --- p.31 / Chapter 6. --- Dissensus in Routine Mode: The First Stage / Chapter 6.1 --- Key Events During the First Stage --- p.34 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Leftist Press --- p.35 / Chapter 6.3 --- The Commercial Press --- p.43 / Chapter 6.4 --- The Rightist Press --- p.46 / Chapter 6.5 --- Summary --- p.49 / Chapter 7 --- From Routine To Crisis: The Second Stage / Chapter 7.1 --- Key Events During the Second Stage --- p.54 / Chapter 7.2 --- The Leftist Press --- p.55 / Chapter 7.3 --- The Commercial Press --- p.68 / Chapter 7.4 --- The Rightist Press --- p.74 / Chapter 7.5 --- Summary --- p.77 / Chapter 8 --- Consensus In Crisis / Chapter 8.1 --- Key Events During the Third Stage --- p.79 / Chapter 8.2 --- Framing The Crisis --- p.79 / Chapter 9. --- Return To Normalcy / Chapter 9.1 --- The Leftist Press --- p.90 / Chapter 9.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.95 / Chapter 9.3 --- Reporting the Anniversary Under the Routine Mode --- p.96 / Chapter 10. --- The Newsroom In Crisis / Chapter 10.1 --- The Leftist Press --- p.99 / Chapter 10.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.108 / Chapter 10.3 --- The Rightist Press --- p.112 / Chapter 11. --- Discussion and Conclusion --- p.113 / BIBLIOGRAPHY

香港主權移交中國以後，傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式，但過往的研究發現，政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性？本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 / 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響，但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼？新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係？這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解，並以布迪爾理論為基礎，整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念，而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性，和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 / 本研究顯示，由於政治環境的變化，香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後，新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案，檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者，另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 / 研究發現，香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查，但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導，他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容，發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外，根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度，本研究將中國組記者分成三類：局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地，但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制，不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者，由於對新聞工作有所反思，建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略，亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 / Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. / Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu’s theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists commonly believe that journalistic professionalism can help them to retain autonomy. But professionalism does not necessarily bring autonomy. This study incorporates Bourdieu’s field theory to understand journalistic autonomy as it helps to understand autonomy as a relative concept. Also, Bourdieu’s concept of field and habitus can help us to understand not only the interaction between the journalistic field and other fields and how that constitutes the degree of autonomy, but also to consider autonomy on an individual level ─ the autonomy that individual journalists can achieve. Based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, a field-analytic model of journalistic autonomy is constructed. Especially, this study integrates Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the concept of commitment developed from Bourdieu’ theory to understand the degree of autonomy that journalists can achieve in their work. With these ideas, a new entry point into the study of journalistic autonomy in social change is opened. / This study finds that since the 1980s, Hong Kong’s journalistic field has shifted from partisan journalism to objective journalism in order to resist the turbulent political environment. In recent years, research on the Hong Kong news media has documented the threat to journalistic autonomy from pro-China political power. The present study chooses to focus on the China-beat reporters as a case study to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy through an analysis of journalistic practice. China-beat journalists are the journalists who report on China for the Hong Kong media. The reason for focusing on China-beat journalists in this study is that they are at the frontier of the battlefield between the journalistic field and the political field. For this research, I conducted in-depth interviews with twenty-two journalists, and examined books and public talks related to China reporting. / Findings of this study reveal the de-politicization of China reporting. Though journalists are aware of the censorship on reporting, they are co-opted into the institutionalization of the Chinese State by joining official press tours, sourcing from Mainland media outlets and official press conferences, and balancing their reports with interviews with government spokespersons. While journalists perceive these practices as exercising objective reporting, they are unconscious of the political power embedded in these interactions. The de-politicization of China reporting in recent years reflects the erosion of autonomy as many journalistic practices are aligned with political power, and this is reflected in the news content. This study finds that journalists’ cultural capital and commitment in the field constitute different form of journalistic autonomy. According to these two criteria, China-beat journalists are categorized into three types: Detached journalists, Attached journalists, and Synthesized journalists. The labels describe their cultural and emotional attachment in between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Detached journalists resist integration with China but neglect the blind spot of the political character of objective journalism. Attached journalists’ career paths are constrained by their cultural capital, and they fail to see the political forces embedded in news sourcing and journalistic practice. The high cultural capital and commitment of Synthesized journalists help them to be reflexive in journalistic work, which helps them to articulate their own autonomy and gain skills to resist the growing domination of political forces in the journalistic field. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Tsui, Yuen Sze. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-194). / Abstracts also in Chinese; includes Chinese.

陳景祥. / 據稿本複印 / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞傳播系,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 103-107 / Chen Jingxiang. / Chapter 第1章 --- 前言：研究範圍 頁數 / 政治系统的劇變 --- p.1-6 / 本地政黨的背景及政治傾向 --- p.6-14 / 香港的傳媒系統 --- p.14-15 / 政治系统和傳媒系统的關係 --- p.15-18 / Chapter 第2章 --- 理論架構 / 國家控制大眾傳媒的程度 --- p.19 / 傳媒和政治精英的整合 --- p.19-20 / 大眾傳媒的政黨化程度 --- p.20-21 / 傳媒機構的「合法綱領」的本質 --- p.21-22 / 香港報紙與本地政黨的關係 --- p.22-23 / 香港報業的商業化主流 --- p.23-26 / Chapter 第3章 --- 假設 / 商業報紙的「客觀報道」 --- p.27-29 / 黨派報紙的政治路線 --- p.29-30 / Chapter 第4章 --- 硏究方法及操作 / 選擇四份報章 --- p.31-38 / 關於「客觀」的爭論 --- p.38-39 / 内容分析的設計 --- p.39-42 / 訪問 --- p.42-44 / Chapter 第5章 --- 研究結果 --- p.45-46 / 新聞報道的類別分布 --- p.46 -47 / 新聞來源的分布 --- p.47 -48 / 四份報紙的報道方向 --- p.49-66 / 研究結果與假設 --- p.67-69 / 訪問結果 --- p.70-84 / Chapter 第6章 --- 討論 / 客觀報道仍是新聞界最高原則 --- p.85 -89 / 傳媒和政治精英的整合 --- p.89 -92 / 報紙和本地政黨保持距離 --- p.92-93 / 中國經濟力量影響報業發展 --- p.93-96 / 商業報紙在新政治環境中的定位 --- p.96-99 / Chapter 第7章 --- 結論 --- p.100-102 / 附錄一：參考書目 --- p.103´ؤ107 / 附錄二至附錄八 --- p.108´ؤ116

作者何良懋. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院傳播學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 83-92. / zuo zhe He Liangmao. / 序言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緖論 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一節 --- 香港報紙與現 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二節 --- 過渡期的新華社角色 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三節 --- 中國版的掘起 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二章 --- 硏究重點 --- p.11 / Chapter 第三章 --- 理論探討 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 組織與環境關係 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 組織間(interorganizational)問題 --- p.21 / Chapter 第三節 --- 組織內(intraorganizational)問題 --- p.23 / Chapter (一） --- 守門人角 色 --- p.23 / Chapter (二） --- 新聞室的社會控制 --- p.24 / Chapter (三） --- 新聞組織科層特 色 --- p.24 / Chapter (四） --- 組織文化 --- p.26 / Chapter 第四章 --- 硏究方法 --- p.28 / Chapter 第一節 --- 選取報紙 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二節 --- 選取報紙的特點 --- p.32 / Chapter 第三節 --- 硏究時限 --- p.36 / Chapter 第四節 --- 專訪問題設計 --- p.36 / Chapter 第五節 --- 論文硏究方法 --- p.37 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果 --- p.40 / Chapter 第一節 --- 過渡期政治衝擊波 --- p.40 / 環境因素一：權力中心與傳媒 --- p.41 / 環境因素二 ：限制採訪大陸 --- p.43 / 組織因素一：報業意識形態 --- p.44 / 組織因素二 ：報業主的控制 --- p.46 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治過渡下中國報道的變化 --- p.49 / Chapter (一） --- 版面結構變 化 --- p.49 / Chapter (二） --- 「中國線」（China Beat)確立 --- p.51 / Chapter (三） --- 中國新聞來源 --- p.53 / Chapter (四） --- 開拓新聞人才資 源 --- p.56 / Chapter 第三節 --- 過渡期中國版編輯策略 --- p.58 / Chapter (一） --- 非政治化包裝手 法 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 商品化取向(commodification) --- p.60 / Chapter 2. --- 本土歸化取向（domestication) --- p.62 / Chapter (二） --- 中國版：量變與質 變 --- p.64 / Chapter 第四節 --- 個案分析：扣壓中國新聞 --- p.72 / Chapter 第六章 --- 討論與總結 --- p.76 / 參考文獻 --- p.83 / 附錄1 ：深度訪談名單 --- p.93 / 附錄2 ：專訪問題 --- p.94

This dissertation explores the news making process at CCTV-9, the Beijing-based global English language service of China Central Television (CCTV). My interest in this topic was triggered by the strange manner in which so much debate about media reform in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) elides any real discussion of the contribution of journalists themselves to reform, which is almost invariably treated as something that happens to media from outside of, or regardless of, what journalists do. My aim in this research was to address this lapsus and foreground the work of journalists to show how it contributes to the changing institutional framework in which their work is embedded and therefore contributes to media reform. Drawing on ground-breaking work on bounded innovation and resistance by Pan Zhongdang and Lu Ye in this emerging field, I utilize concepts derived from their use of Michel de Certeau and discuss these concepts in light of the works of Antonio Gramsci, Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault to show how journalists at CCTV-9 exercised control over their work, despite their function as mouthpieces of the news and publicity system operated by the Communist Party of China and PRC government. I am not suggesting that PRC journalists are dissidents. However, my research did suggest that the mundane practice of journalism, even in so constrained a media environment as that of the PRC news system, can alter the manner in which news is made and thereby contribute to media reform. Utilizing participant observation of the CCTV-9 newsroom in 2004-2005, interviews with a range of news makers, in-house documents and a survey of content, I construct a picture of news making at CCTV-9 that foregrounds what to more macro-oriented analyses of media reform in the PRC has remained inaccessible, the minutiae of everyday life in the newsroom, and the tiny, but not inconsequential changes brought about by the ordinary work of journalists. / text

by Xing Rong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-81). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.ii / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iii / Chapter CHAPTER I --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER II --- Conceptualization --- p.17 / Chapter CHAPTER III --- Method --- p.30 / Chapter CHAPTER IV --- Results --- p.37 / Chapter CHAPTER V --- Discussion & Conclusion --- p.70 / REFERENCES --- p.77 / TABLES --- p.81 / FIGURES --- p.94 / APPENDIX --- p.96

據稿本複印 / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院傳播學部,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 88-92 / 許冬華. / Chapter 1. --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 理論架構 --- p.3 / Chapter 2.1 --- 批判研究與馬克思理論 / Chapter 2.2 --- 政治經濟學觀點與傳統馬克思理論 / Chapter 2.3 --- 媒介擁有者對媒介的影響 / Chapter 2.4 --- 廣告對媒介的影響 / Chapter 3. --- 澳門概況 --- p.19 / Chapter 3.1 --- 澳門的政治情況 / Chapter 3.2 --- 澳門的經濟狀況 / Chapter 3.3 --- 澳門的傳媒 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 報業簡史 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 現代澳門報業 / Chapter 4. --- 假設及研究方法 --- p.33 / Chapter 4.1 --- 假設 / Chapter 4.2 --- 量度與研究樣本 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 因變量一報導傾向 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 自變量一報章擁有者與中國勢力的密切程度 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- 自變量一報章廣告來源依賴中國勢力程度 / Chapter 4.3 --- 訪問 / Chapter 5 . --- 研究結果與分析 --- p.45 / Chapter 5.1 --- 報章擁有者與報導傾向 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 報導篇幅 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 報導位置 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 報導取向 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- 小结 / Chapter 5.2 --- 廣告來源與報導傾向 / Chapter 5.3 --- 廣告來源與澳門報業結構 / Chapter 6 . --- 討論及總結 --- p.70 / 註釋 --- p.76 / 書目 --- p.88 / 附錄一：編碼表 --- p.93 / 附錄二 ： 候選人名單 --- p.95

by Yuet-lin Lee. / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 137-142.

張勁駒. / "2006年1月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 72-80). / "2006 nian 1 yue" / Abstracts also in English. / Zhang Jingju. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 72-80). / 鳴謝 --- p.i / Chapter 第一章： --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一： --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 二： --- 居港權事件的背景 --- p.3 / Chapter 三： --- 居港權事件報道的硏究 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章： --- 文獻回顧 --- p.9 / Chapter 一： --- 框架理論 --- p.9 / Chapter 二： --- 議程設置理論 --- p.14 / Chapter 三： --- 對引入議程設置的批評 --- p.25 / Chapter 四： --- 批評的回應：建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.25 / Chapter 第三章： --- 理論框架 --- p.27 / Chapter 一： --- 理論框架與硏究假設 --- p.27 / Chapter 二： --- 理論貢獻 --- p.29 / Chapter 第四章： --- 硏究方法 --- p.30 / Chapter 第五章： --- 硏究結果 --- p.32 / Chapter 一： --- 報道居港權事件的新聞數量 --- p.32 / Chapter 二： --- 十個主要新聞框架 --- p.34 / Chapter 三： --- 建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.41 / Chapter 四： --- 新聞來源的選擇 --- p.52 / Chapter 第六章： --- 總結 --- p.65 / Chapter 一： --- 建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.65 / Chapter 二： --- 新聞來源的選擇準則 --- p.67 / Chapter 三： --- 硏究限制 --- p.69 / Chapter 四： --- 結語 --- p.70 / 英文參考文獻 --- p.72 / 中文參考文獻 --- p.79 / 網站資料 --- p.80