Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / South Sudan became the newest country in the world in January 2011, after 22 years of civil war between the Khartoum-based government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) of the south—the longest of all armed conflicts on the African continent. There is a stark contrast between the rhetoric of post-war unity and peace and the realities of heightened tensions on the ground; the United Nations has warned that escalating inter-ethnic violence threatens to destabilize the country and many regions in South Sudan have “plummeted into self-perpetuating cycles of violence, cattleraiding, banditry and loss of human life. Jonglei state has seen some of the most extreme violence in South Sudan; the Lou Nuer, Murle, and Dinka in Jonglei raid and retaliate back and forth, killing civilians, abducting women and children, and talking cattle. Abductions of women have historically been a part of cattleraiding, but only recently became used extensively as a tool of war, either as an “attempt to directly recover wives” or purely to retaliate. The conflict in Jonglei is a “complex and murky situation to untangle” without one definitive explanation, and the timing and context of many events have contributed to its continuation. In order to create lasting peace in South Sudan, it is imperative to look critically at the complex layers of the driving factors of the recent inter-ethnic conflict in the region.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-111).

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-95). / In conflict resolution literature, the principle of all-inclusiveness, which calls for all warring parties to be included in a peace process for it to be successful, has become conventional wisdom and orthodoxy. This study challenges the principles of all-inclusiveness by critically analysing problems related to issues of "inclusion" and "exclusion" of warring parties, as seen from a mediator's perspective. The literature on peace processes is examined in relation to five themes: The foundation for the principle of all-inclusiveness; the relationship between participation and the use of violence; consequences of exclusion; participation in relation to parties' characteristics; and consequences of all-inclusiveness. A set of questions are raised through which the issue of all-inclusiveness can be investigated, and on this basis, the 1998 peace process in Burundi is studied. The case of Burundi challenges the principle of all-inclusiveness as the process was successful despite the exclusion of several armed groups and highlights important dimensions for the question of participation. The central argument of the thesis is that the issue of participation, in particular its relation to success, is much more complex than recognised in the literature.

This dissertation utilizes a descriptive case study method to provide a comprehensive and critical analysis of identity politics in Rwanda. More specifically, this thesis situates identity politics in nation building in post-genocide Rwanda. In order to do so, this study examines diaspora engagement politics. The central question in this thesis is: In what ways, and to what extent, have identity politics affected the nation building project in post-genocide Rwanda, in relation to its diaspora? Rwanda's turbulent history raises many issues regarding the political and social construction of Rwandan identity, but scholarship has not thoroughly examined the diaspora and state engagement with the diaspora. This thesis sought to examine these dynamics. It will do so by examining: (1) the ways in which the Rwandan Patriotic Front reconfigured identities inside Rwanda by perpetuating the narrative of unity; (2) the collective identities ascribed to groups of citizens inside and outside Rwanda, based on this government narrative; (3) how the RPF governed perceptions abroad; and finally (4) the education programs to shape the ideal Rwandan citizen. This thesis concludes that the Rwandan government, while trying to rebuild the nation, has failed to transcend divisive identities that have pervaded in Rwanda. Instead, it has created a tightly controlled political space in which a restrictive single identity and narrative existed; furthermore, identity politics have been increasingly manipulated and controlled by the state apparatus. The state's engagement with its diaspora illustrates this.

In the wake of extreme xenophobic violence, which swept South Africa in 2008, a group of Somali refugees resident in Cape Town formed the Somali Retailers’ Association (SRA) as a mutual support network made up of those who were targeted by xenophobes most: Somalis involved in informal sector trade in the townships. This study investigates the networks of targeted populations, analysing how this Association helps to mitigate the impact of xenophobia on the lives of its members.

This thesis considers the question of how, in practice, a regional organization comes to take the leading role in managing a peacemaking intervention. More specifically, it considers which criteria, if any, are used in the choice of a lead actor in peacemaking efforts, and how the principles of 'subsidiarity, complementarity and comparative advantage,' as laid out in the Memorandum of Understanding between the AU and the subregional organizations, are being applied in this decision making. The recent example cases of Zimbabwe, Kenya and Cote d'Ivoire are specifically analyzed to show the reality of the working relationship in the present.

Includes bibliographical references. / Through the perceptions of MOSAIC service providers¹, this thesis aims to examine firstly, women’s experiences of economic abuse, through exploring the nature of this abuse; and secondly, how economic abuse may limit women’s agency to leave a violent domestic relationship. In order to provide an understanding of the nature of economic abuse, four focus group discussions were conducted with MOSAIC service providers who assist women of abuse. Additionally, data from MOSAIC in-take forms² was used to further contextualise the MOSAIC clients’ experiences of economic abuse. As supported by other studies, the findings suggest that economic abuse has become ‘normalised’ and for many women experiencing economic abuse, a ‘way of life’. Guided by Postmus et al (2011) typology for economic abuse and as described by the MOSAIC service providers, various interdependent forms of economic abuse, including economic controlling behaviour, economic exploitive behaviour and employment sabotage, are experienced by women. Employment sabotage is highlighted in the context of the detrimental effect it has on women’s economic self-sufficiency. However, few women experiencing economic abuse initially engage the legal system for assistance. Rather women approach other informal networks first and as a last means, formal institutional structures. When engaging institutional structures, the accessing of Emergency Monetary Relief remains challenging for women filing an interim protection order and seeking to leave a violent domestic relationship.

No description available.

The concept of 'restorative justice' has in recent years been widely invoked in the transitional justice literature. The term is however often used loosely, inconsistently and in apparently different senses. This minor dissertation addresses this dilemma by bringing together three influential bodies of work on restorative justice and exploring what each body of work means by the term 'restorative justice'. The three bodies of work are that of Archbishop Desmond Tutu, criminal justice theorists and accounts of African Traditional Justice Mechanisms. With a clearer picture of what these respective sources mean when referring to restorative justice, the discussion then turns to the potential relevance and significance of these conceptions of restorative justice for transitional justice. The three bodies of work on restorative justice, while distinct in their own right, are brought into conversation through applying a uniform methodology. This methodology draws on John Rawls' distinction between concept and conception. Given that restorative justice is not concerned with the rules of ordinary language usage a conceptual analysis is not possible. What is possible is to follow a route of enquiry that explores the different conceptions of restorative justice reflected in each body of work. These conceptions are discussed against the backdrop of a transitional justice framework. This minor dissertation does not make any claims regarding the concept of restorative justice. Rather what are delivered are some findings about the conceptions of restorative justice that feature within the three bodies of work under discussion. The conceptions of 3 restorative justice differ in certain respects but also overlap in others. The crucial point of overlap concerns a sociological or relational approach to crime and wrongdoing which requires that all parties to a conflict are involved in its resolution. Herein lies the chief contribution of restorative justice to transitional justice, namely that restorative justice embodies what Jon Elster deems to be the task of transitional justice - that a society judge itself.

Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.