Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.

After seven months of diplomatic crisis following the shooting down of Russian fighter jet by the Turkish Armed Forces, Turkish-Russian relations entered into the process of reconciliation in June 2016. Few weeks later, Turkey faced with a coup attempt (July 15, 2016) which was a crucial turning point in Turkey's repositioning itself in the international politics. Deteriorating relations with the West and rapprochement with Russia have brought along debates with regards to Eurasianism as an alternative foreign policy orientation. In this regard, this thesis is dealing with the Patriotic Party's proposed Eurasianist idea, Kemalist Eurasianism, to put forth the idea's conceptual and contextual map by analysing and interpreting the works of Doğu Perinçek, chairman of the Patriotic Party, and the party's monthly journal, Teori, within the framework of conceptual history approach. In doing so, the thesis confronts the misconception of Kemalist Eurasianism as a derivation of Russian neo-Eurasianism and argues that the idea is originated from the Kemalist revolution and left-nationalist currents of thought historically. Thus, the thesis reveals that Kemalist Eurasianism primarily is a national agenda based on Kemalist principles of nationalism, etatism and populism, and is the international extension of...

This thesis aims to analyze the transformations of concept of secularism from a long- term perspective of the formation and consolidation of Turkish republic between 1923 - 2013. Central contention is that secularism, as a social phenomenon, was originally understood as an integral part of state-led modernization project, sponsored by Turkish armed forces between 1920s and early 1980s. However since late 1980s and particularly under AKP governments (2002 - 2014) secularism - branded as Kemalism has gradually become a subject of intense conflicts and new interpretations seeking to reconcile Turkish secularist principles with new forms of public participation driven by Islamic symbols. Keywords Democracy, secularism, authoritarian regime, Kemalism, army, political parties, AKP, islam, religious symbols, islamic clothing

The 2016 Turkish failed coup attempt was a striking political event of the year. Although Turkey is a country with a long history of successful military intervention and deep-rooted coup culture, the coup organizers could not achieve the desired outcome in 2016. The coups of 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 have resulted in the government's change where the military played an important role by influencing the political sphere. However, the result was different in the coup attempt carried out on 15 July 2016. As the President, a large segment of military, political parties and a significant part of the society had an anti-coup attitude and stood up against the military coup. For this reason, the thesis attempts to compare the 2016 Turkish failed coup with the previous successful coups of 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997's in Turkey. The comparison is based on the hypotheses built on four civil-military relation theories and concepts: Military Professionalism, Civilian Supremacy, Social Cohesion and Public Institutionalism. According to the analyses, the findings indicate that the theories of Civilian Supremacy and Public Institutionalism better explain the failure of 2016 and the success of the previous coups than other theories.