Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.

Uppsatsen är en historiografisk undersökning. Den granskar forskning som bedömer de armeniska massakrerna som folkmord och forskning som ifrågasätter detta. Händelserna är mycket omdiskuterade båda politiskt och historiskt. En bakgrundsöversikt belyser de sista tre decennierna av det osmanska rikets moderna historia och förspelet till händelserna under första världskriget samt påverkan av stormaktspolitiken under senare delen 1800-talet och början av 1900-talet på utvecklingen i Mellanöstern och främst inom det osmanska imperiet. Uppsatsen diskuterar vilken roll turkisk nationalism, turanism och panislamism spelade i händelserna och hur dessa påverkade relationen mellan ungturkrörelsen och armenierna. Hur tolkar forskarna källorna och vilken roll spelar källmaterialet i rekonstrueringen av historiska fakta bakom debatten om mordet på den osmanskt armeniska befolkningen 1915? Analyserna omfattar flera åsikter och attityder inom genocidforskning; det finns historiker och andra forskare som förnekar och förkastar idén att det var genocid; andra vill ha ett internationellt erkännande av massakrerna i Anatolien och klarhet om den turkiska statens skuld i denna fråga. Syftet med uppsatsen är att klarlägga förklaringarna och slutsatserna de utvalda forskarna har kommit fram till i sina analyser. Uppsatsen varken anklagar eller tar ställning för eller emot rubriceringen av massakrerna och förhåller sig neutral i största möjliga mån. Nyckelord: armenier, dashnak, hunchak, massakrer, ungturkar, ittihadister, CUP, turkism, turkisk nationalism, Turan och turanism, revolution, deportationer, omlokalisering, uppror, skuld, förnekelse och erkännande.

This thesis dealt with the issues of the emergence of Pan-Turkism in Ottoman Empire and of Pan-Turanism in Hungary between the years 1890 and 1920. The theoretical discussion and literature review related to the subject exhibited that these two nationalisms were possible only when a state bureaucrats and intellectuals try to save the state from collapse and make discussions on the national issues, or when a state elites and noble classes aim to use national ideology for protecting the state from external threats and providing benefits on behalf of national interest. While former suits to Ottoman Pan-Turkism, latter describes Hungarian Pan-Turanism. The thesis consisted of three main and related parts. The first part focused on the historical and theoretical development of nationalism and pan movements, and condition of pan movement in the context of theories of nationalism. In the second part, the emergence of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism was analysed in the historical context. The third part dwelt upon the genesis of Pan-Turanism in Hungary, and its relations with Ottoman Pan-Turkism until the end of the First World War. For that reason, firstly, historical roots of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism were sought so that it is able to see how the attempts to modernization in the Ottoman state provided a ground for the spreading of Western political concepts and ideas and the emergence of a secular nationalist intelligentsia. Also the role of Turcology and the influence of Russian Turks on the development and politicization of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism could be assessed. Secondly, the political condition of Hungary in the nineteenth century was exposed in order to explain the emergence and development of Pan-Turanism. Then, the focus was made on the linguistic debates of Hungarian academic circles on the origin of Hungarians. Exposing the political and cultural conditions could facilitate to project the partnership between Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanism. Throughout the thesis, it was tried to be demonstrated that Ottoman Empire and Hungarian state had different political conditions and necessities. While Ottoman state bureaucrats and intellectuals aimed to save the state / Hungarian elites and intellectuals urged on the Hungarian national interests. Although some strong relations and partnerships were manifest in political and cultural areas, Hungarian Pan-Turanists and Ottoman Pan-Turkists belonged to different state traditions. Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism had an aim to save the state and create a new national identity. Nevertheless, Hungarian nationalism and Pan-Turanism tended towards the national interests of Hungarians through expansionist policy. That was the reason why the relations between Pan-Turkists and Pan-Turanists remained temporary.

The main goal of this paper is to trace the formation of nation-states in Central Asia, primarily during the second half of the 19th and the first quarter of the 20th century. Although soviets played a significant role in shaping modern Central Asian political map, local national elites (like Alash Orda and jadids) and tsarist officials had contributed to this process as well. Thus, it is necessary to understand the interrelationship between all these key actors. Key words Central Asia, Bolshevism, nationalism, Turkism, nation-states

The aim of this thesis is to compare the ideas Ziya G&ouml / kalp and Yusuf Ak&ccedil / ura on Turkism. Nationalism emerged in the 18th century in Western Europe has been a real force in world politics for the last two centuries. Naturally, towards the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire with many different ethnic groups within its borders was influenced by Western nationalist movements. Analyzing Turkish nationalism, it is seen that from the late 18th century to the announcement of the Second Constitution in 1908, Turkish nationalism went parallel to the modernization attempts of the Ottoman reformers. The Ottoman bureaucrats considered modernity as a goal to overcome the difficulties of the Ottoman Empire. Ottomanism and Islamism were the sub-ideologies of the state, which were essential for its survival. However, after the Balkan wars, Turkism became popular among ottoman intellectuals. Both G&ouml / kalp and Ak&ccedil / ura played a leading role in the direction of Turkish nationalism during the transition from a multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire to a secular and modern Turkish nation-state. Additionally, after the foundation of the Turkish nation-state, they shaped the content of the reforms of the new state with their nationalist way of thinking. In this respect, they served as the intellectual sources of Turkish nationalism. The main purpose of this thesis is to offer an analytical framework for understanding the peculiarities of G&ouml / kalp and Ak&ccedil / ura&rsquo / s nationalist thoughts during the late Ottoman and early Republican periods. In this context, this thesis examines the ideas of the two scholars on a comparative basis and aims to reveal the differences and similarities in their ideas.

After the collapse of the USSR in the 1990s, with the emergence of the multipolarity and the formation of new entities in the Eurasian space Turkey search for new ways due to the declining role in the West-East tensions forced it to turn to the East. In this area, rapprochement with Azerbaijan from a national and ethnic point of view to be an optimal way out. On this way, the master's thesis aims to analyze the Turkish-Azerbaijani relations in the 1990s. For this purpose, the following tasks have been set. Analysis of rapprochement trends in relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey after independence, analysis of the role of internal and external factors in this area, as well as the role of the legal framework in building relations.

Gray Wolves, in Turkish called Bozkurtlar and officially named Ülkü Ocakları, are Turkish ultranationalist organization. In some sources, the organization is described as neo-fascistic. This youth organization has close ties to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The organization is described as a parallel or militant wing of MHP. Its members deny the political nature of the organization and claim that it is a cultural and educational foundation. The organization was founded by Colonel Alparslan Türkeş in the late sixties of the twentieth century. During the seventies, the organization was the creator of political violence in Turkey during which its members carried out an urban partisan war with left-wing activists and militants. Nowadays, the organization operates not only in Turkey, but also mainly in all countries with a large Turkish minority such as Germany, Netherlands, Belgium, France, Sweden, Greece, Cyprus, Azerbaijan, China, Russia and Syria.

No description available.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.