The struggle between the President and the Congress over the power to control the use of military force is an enduring dimension of U.S. foreign policy. In the 20th century Arthur Schlesinger labeled the growth of Presidential war power the “Imperial Presidency.” While some scholars have attempted to explain the expansion of Presidential power based on the Cold War or nuclear weapons, there has been little work studying the link between America’s ascending role in international legal frameworks and this domestic legal transformation. In this dissertation, I argue that America’s participation in international legal frameworks, such as the United Nations and NATO, has been a central factor in enabling the growth of Presidential war power. These international frameworks allow the President to circumvent Congress and to assert that the use of military force was something other than a ‘war’ that would need Congressional authorization. In case studies of pre-WWII aid to Great Britain, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, I demonstrate how the rise of executive war power relied on America’s growing participation in international legal frameworks. The dissertation contributes to the nexus of International Relations and Constitutional scholarship. It offers a unique interpretation of Presidential war power while also offering new insights on the nature of the United States’ relationship with international legal frameworks. I argue that participation in international legal frameworks has been ‘democracy-undermining’ as the President utilizes those frameworks to circumvent the Constitution’s restrictions on Presidential war power.

This Diploma thesis deals with the media coverage of the Korean war in the Rudé právo daily, in that period the official newspaper of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Its main goal is to ascertain the rate of influence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, of rigorous censorship of the regime and Soviet Union dictatorship upon informing about events of the Korean war, which was the first conflict ever where the United Nations army, consisting of several states, was fighting together. For this purpose, by studying secondary resources I am first of all describing conditions leading to the war and determining the most important events of the war, including for instance landing of the United Nations forces in Incheon, China involvement or distinct phases of armistice negotiations. The crucial part of this thesis is the portrayal of these events in the newspaper, including monitoring of tens of issues between late May 1950 and early October 1950. Regarding the facts ascertained by that time I am switching to five days cycles of newspaper monitoring, which has by the end proven to be absolutely sufficient for creating a comprehensive image.

During the Korean War the White House and the Army publicized the Medal of Honor to achieve three outcomes. First, they hoped it would have a positive influence on public opinion. Truman committed to limited goals at the start of the war and chose not to create an official propaganda agency, which led to partisan criticism and realistic reporting. Medal of Honor publicity celebrated individual actions removed from their wider context in a familiar, heroic mold to alter memory of the past. Second, the Army publicized the Medal of Honor internally to inspire and reinforce desired soldier behavior. Early reports indicated a serious lack of discipline on the front lines and the Army hoped to build psychological resilience in the men by exposing them to the heroic actions of other soldiers. Finally, the Cold War spawned a great fear of communist subterfuge in the United States, which was exacerbated by the brainwashing of prisoners of war. The White House and the Army reached out to marginalized elements of American society through the Medal of Honor to counter communist propaganda. The Korean War remains an understudied era of American history, yet it was incredibly important to the United States and the world. The war influenced the United States to maintain a large standing military prepositioned around the world to protect its interests. Achieving the status quo antebellum validated the containment strategy against communism, which heavily influenced the decision to intervene in Vietnam. The United Nations, ostensibly in charge of allied forces in the Korean War, gained credibility from preventing the loss of South Korea. Despite these important effects of the war on world history, scholars continue to focus on World War II and Vietnam. This study seeks to build on the relative dearth of scholarly material on the Korean War by examining in historical context the manipulation of a symbol that intersected both the military and the home-front to influence behavior.

<p>Per definition så befinner sig Nordkorea och Sydkorea i krig med varandra sedan 25 juni 1950. Den aktiva delen av kriget varade endast i tre år och avlöstes av <em>Armistice </em><em>Agreement </em>27 juli 1953. Avtalet syftade till att möjliggöra för politiska företrädare att enas om ett fredsavtal – något man aldrig lyckades uppnå.</p><p>Denna uppsats analyserar tiden från Kairokonferensen 1943 intill <em>Armistice Day </em>1953 utifrån hur bakomliggande incitament – sett ur realistiska och liberalistiska perspektiv inom ramen för internationella relationer – kan förklara händelseutvecklingen på den koreanska halvön.</p><p>Resultatet visar på hur erfarenheter och efterbörd av VK II, politiska målsättningar, misstro mellan parterna och till FN, successivt bygger upp dagens delade Korea utifrån vad som främst återfinns inom den realistiska teoribildningen.</p> / <p>North Korea and South Korea has been at war with each other since June 25, 1950. The active part of the war lasted only three years, which resulted in the <em>Armistice Agreement </em>July 27, 1953. The main purpose of the agreement was to allow political representatives to open up for diplomatic negotiations and agree on a peace agreement – something they never managed to achieve. </p><p>This paper will analyze the time from the Cairo Conference in 1943 until <em>Armistice Day </em>in 1953, and investigate how realistic and liberalized political forces, in the context of International Relations theory, influenced the developments on the Korean Peninsula.</p><p>The conclusions will show how the post-war reconstructions of WW II, U.S. and Soviet foreign policy objectives and UN intervention gradually shaped a permanent landmark at the 38th parallel based on realistic values.</p>

This dissertation begins with a simple set of questions: how and why did the Western discipline of psychiatry gain traction in the Republic of Korea? My answers point to the Korean War and the US-ROK alliance as the two most important factors enabling this phenomenon. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, May, 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2000. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 110 p. : ill. (some col.), maps (some col.). Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-78).

Thesis--School of Advanced Air and Space Studies. / "June 2003." Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-103).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Michigan, 1963. / Cover title: The problem of Korean unification. Bibliography: p. 169-181.

Per definition så befinner sig Nordkorea och Sydkorea i krig med varandra sedan 25 juni 1950. Den aktiva delen av kriget varade endast i tre år och avlöstes av Armistice Agreement 27 juli 1953. Avtalet syftade till att möjliggöra för politiska företrädare att enas om ett fredsavtal – något man aldrig lyckades uppnå. Denna uppsats analyserar tiden från Kairokonferensen 1943 intill Armistice Day 1953 utifrån hur bakomliggande incitament – sett ur realistiska och liberalistiska perspektiv inom ramen för internationella relationer – kan förklara händelseutvecklingen på den koreanska halvön. Resultatet visar på hur erfarenheter och efterbörd av VK II, politiska målsättningar, misstro mellan parterna och till FN, successivt bygger upp dagens delade Korea utifrån vad som främst återfinns inom den realistiska teoribildningen. / North Korea and South Korea has been at war with each other since June 25, 1950. The active part of the war lasted only three years, which resulted in the Armistice Agreement July 27, 1953. The main purpose of the agreement was to allow political representatives to open up for diplomatic negotiations and agree on a peace agreement – something they never managed to achieve.  This paper will analyze the time from the Cairo Conference in 1943 until Armistice Day in 1953, and investigate how realistic and liberalized political forces, in the context of International Relations theory, influenced the developments on the Korean Peninsula. The conclusions will show how the post-war reconstructions of WW II, U.S. and Soviet foreign policy objectives and UN intervention gradually shaped a permanent landmark at the 38th parallel based on realistic values.