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Previous sociological studies of class consciousness have employed survey methodology to evaluate the attitudes expressed by a sample of respondents. This approach fails to consider the dynamic, collective quality of the phenomenon, whose expression may be manifested in a variety of cultural practices. My approach treats class consciousness as "cultures of solidarity," which are expressed within and are shaped by the oppositional context of the class relationship. In order to illustrate my approach I offer two case studies of collective actions by workers. The first analyzes the creation of a "culture of solidarity" in a steel casting plant. The dynamics of two wildcat strikes indicate that class consciousness is highly episodic and emerges during the course of the collective action. Its sustenance is based on the ability of workers to organize further activity, rather than on the level of ideology achieved. The second case documents a "culture of solidarity" forged by workers in response to management's sustained attempt to break their union. Workers, and the community which is formed through the strike, engage in militant activities, create institutional structures to maintain their collective solidarity, and develop alternative values and conceptions in the context of this emergent "culture of solidarity." Based on the empirical research, it is suggested that class consciousness (as ideation) is not a precondition for militant activity; but rather that it is in the context of militant activity that class conscious ideas and practices emerge, are given coherence, and are negotiated collectively. Conversely, class consciousness had not been destroyed by expunging the ideas held by workers, but by controlling or ending activity, or the context in which ideas are cultivated and nourished.

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This study investigates employees' perceptions of the quality of work life in a large northeastern university. Two issues are central to the investigation, organizational commitment and job satisfaction. The latter indicator is examined on two levels--global job satisfaction and facet-specific satisfaction. Interest in the area of Quality of Work Life has increased in the past several years. The literature in this area, however, does not provide comprehensive guidance to implement such a program. Furthermore, studies on organizational commitment and job satisfaction hve tended to focus on samples of only a few occupations or broad national surveys. Thus, the literature is lacking in intraorganizational studies which compare occupational levels. The research in this study is presented in two sections. Part 1 examines the organizational commitment of the employees in two ways: (1) the sample as a whole and (2) separate analyses for each of eight occupational levels. Part 2 gauges satisfaction among this organization's employees. This is done using the same dual strategy mentioned above. The results indicate that the perceptions of the quality of life among these employees is not very positive. Immediate, job-related aspects, such as relations with coworkers, and the amount of comfort associated with jobs, are perceived favorably. The more distant areas of work, promotions and financial rewards, receive less desirable ratings. Similarly, the commitment of the employees was only slightly above the neutral point. Neither satisfaction nor commitment reveal positive perceptions of the quality of work life experienced. This holds true for sample wide as well as occupational groups. Examination of the standard organizational commitment model fails to provide empirical support for it. Suggestions are made for improving the measurement of commitment. Additionally, future areas of research are identified for the study of the quality of work life.

<p> This thesis examines the premodern and ethnically stratified labor and social structure maintained at Rancho Los Alamitos in Long Beach, California during the early-to-mid twentieth century as an expression and performance of an idealized regional identity with roots in a romanticized sense of past and place. Amid dramatic urbanization, industrialization, and corporatization, the rancho&rsquo;s owners, Fred and Florence Bixby, made significant efforts to maintain past views, technology, and paternalistic social relations with their Mexican employee tenants. To be sure, the desire to preserve an idealized western lifestyle as well as a particular class position motivated such efforts. Moreover, while this daily performance of an idealized regionalism signified a rejection of the modern progress hailed by most elite white southern Californians, it nevertheless constituted a conscious exercise in defining modernity.</p>

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To compete with larger, more efficient dairy farms, build resilience against increasingly volatile milk prices, and increase farm income, farms in traditional dairy states such as New York, Wisconsin, and Vermont, have been forced to expand their herds and increase production. Many dairy farmers do not have formal training in human resources management, and find the transition to a larger, non-family workforce to be challenging. In addition, farmers who have transitioned to a primarily Latinx workforce also face considerable cultural and language barriers. The quality of human resource management can have a significant impact on a farm business, and evidence suggests that intentional human resource management can result in healthier cows, higher profits, and lower employee turnover (Billikopf & Gonzalez, 2012; Erskine, Martinez, & Contreras, 2015; Stup, 2006). This thesis explores two essential components of human resource management on dairy farms: the employer-employee relationship, and the components of a competitive wage and non-wage benefit package. Both articles rely upon thirty surveys conducted in Addison County, Vermont, from December 2017 to January 2018. In the first article, using the qualitative data collected in the survey, I apply the concept of precarious employment to the employer-employee relationship on dairy farms in Addison County. Although I discover some evidence of precarity, I also find examples of worker control over working conditions, specifically regarding worker recruitment, termination, wage rates, and hours. In the second article, I use the quantitative data we collected regarding wages, and the estimates provided by farmers for the value of the non-wage benefits offered to employees, to outline the structure of a typical compensation package for Addison County dairy employees. I find that that more than half of employers provide Latinx employees with housing, utilities, internet, satellite TV, a bonus, transportation, farm products, and vacation time. In terms of non-wage benefits offered to U.S. workers, more than half of employers provide housing, utilities, a bonus, farm products, sick time, and vacation time. I also find that including the producer-estimated value of the typical non-wage benefits offered to employees, the median total hourly compensation for Latinx workers is $12.62. American dairy workers in Addison County earn a median total hourly compensation with a range of $21.32 to $24.02. I end with a discussion of the practical and theoretical implications of our research. I also include a few recommendations for future research.

<p> Women comprise over 57% of all U.S. mortuary school students, yet less than 20% of all funeral directors employed in this country are women. As such, women are underrepresented as funeral directors in the funeral industry. Research to date has not established clear differences between perceived gender roles and occupations in the funeral service industry. The research questions examined the perceived differences of gender role characteristics of masculine, feminine, and androgyny between the occupations of funeral service providers and nursing. Bem&rsquo;s gender role theory was the theoretical framework of this study. The research compared the mean scores of male and female funeral service professionals and nursing professionals as measured by the validated Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). A sample consisted of 214 randomly selected male (n = 88) and female (n = 25) funeral service professionals and male (n = 37) and female (n = 64) nurse professionals. Data scores were analyzed using the factorial multivariate analysis of variance method. Results indicated nonsignificant gender role differences between male and female funeral directors. Funeral directors appear more androgynous compared to nurses. The present study contributed to the development of this important and neglected area of research by quantitatively examining the gender role perceptions of men and women in the funeral service industry for the first time. This study results highlighted the complexity in self-perceived gender role characteristics as measured by BSRI. When the funeral profession begins to dispel gender stereotypes and discrimination issues, positive social change can occur.</p>