Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4879. Adviser: Craig A. Olson. Includes bibliographical references. Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4071. Adviser: William A. Corsaro.

<p> This paper is a case study of the Soma mining disaster that took place on May 13, 2014. The disaster ultimately resulted in the deaths of 301 miners. To better understand how this incident was portrayed in newspaper coverage, a textual analysis of frames was conducted. In order to garner the broadest possible scope regarding the depiction of this disaster, newspapers with varying political and religious affiliations were examined. These frames were analyzed to identify elements of classical propaganda in news organizations regardless of political or religious affiliation. </p><p> Coverage from four daily newspapers (<i>Yeni &Scedil;afak, Sabah, Cumhuriyet</i>, and <i>Everensel</i>) was analyzed for frames that emphasize nationalism, Islamism, or worker-employer relations. The study found that the most commonly used elements of classical propaganda were: emotional appeals and flag waiving&mdash;or the invocation of nationally held symbols to motivate action or thought the audience would not have done on their own volition.</p><p>

<p> This research investigates the sociological, psychological, and physiological factors known to affect women&rsquo;s career advancement opportunities. It examines how awareness and knowledge shared through the #MeToo (hashtag Me Too) movement influenced gender specific perceptions about the factors affecting women&rsquo;s workplace opportunities. Finally, it recommends measures to alter the divergent gender perceptions that remain an obstacle to gender equality in the workplace. </p><p> This study was conducted because gender inequalities continue in the U.S. workplace in 2018. Currently women fail to advance in careers at the same rate as men, and they are paid 21% less for similar work with equal skills and experience. Women comprise approximately 51% of the U.S. population and 47% of the workforce, so equality would dictate a one-to-one male to female ratio throughout all levels of government and private industry. The current male to female ratio in the U.S. Congress is four-to-one. The male to female executive ratio in Fortune 500 companies is three-to-one, and in the U.S. Government it is two-to-one. </p><p> The researcher conducted a mixed method experimental study by comparing pre- and post-treatment interview and survey data to determine how much awareness and knowledge shared through the #MeToo mass media event impacted gender specific perceptions of women&rsquo;s equality struggles in the workplace. The qualitative interview analysis indicated a moderate shift from divergent gender perceptions in Study 1 to convergent viewpoints in Study 2 following the #MeToo media events. </p><p> The quantitative analysis of pre- and post-treatment survey studies supported the qualitative findings and showed a 43% reduction in the gender perception gap in the post-event assessment. </p><p> With outcomes from three independent qualitative and quantitative investigations aligning, the researcher concluded the overall statistical results demonstrate a strong impact on men&rsquo;s and women&rsquo;s perceptions and a largely reduced gender perception gap following the #MeToo media events. Because it is unknown if those changes are permanent, the researcher believes future research could focus on awareness, education, and accountability initiatives to more adequately address gender equality problems in the workplace and bring about lasting change.</p><p>

Created in 1806 by Napoleon, the conseil des prud'hommes were municipal labour arbitration boards established to settle workplace differences between workers and employers in the textile industry amicably and through conciliation. The northern French town of Tourcoing was a comparatively conservative city, where radical politics and confrontational labour relations found little support throughout the nineteenth century. Therefore, the arbitration boards known as the conseil des prud'hommes could be expected to have been a popular method of settling workplace conflicts. Initially, only employers could elect and be board members; reform in 1848 extended these rights to male workers. Other important changes occurred in the second half of the nineteenth century that could potentially affect labour relations: the legalization of strikes in 1864 and the legalization of unions two decades later. This thesis explores the impact these changes had on the use of Tourcoing's conseil des prud'hommes, as well as the outcome of cases brought to their attention between 1848 and 1894. It argues that, although the boards were underused in this period, the presence of workers on the boards was beneficial to Tourcoing's working class, particularly female and unskilled workers, who found themselves losing less and compromising more in order to settle their workplace disputes. However, the growing emphasis on compromise did not please employers who began to abandon the boards immediately after the 1848 reform. The influence of unions and socialist groups in the late 1880s and early 1890s reinforced this trend not only among employers, but also among female and unskilled workers who found the increasingly confrontational attitudes at the boards an obstacle to settling cases through conciliation. As a result, both of these groups of workers also began to turn their backs on the prud'hommes.

<p>Public sector unionization rose dramatically during the 1960s and 1970s ? even as private sector unions declined ? and by 2010, membership in public sector unions surpassed that of private sector unions. They are now a mainstay of the U.S. labor movement, and wield sizable influence in local, state, and national politics. Yet public employee unions have recently been under political attack, and government employees have suffered losses in employment, compensation and bargaining rights at record levels since the Great Recession. Notably, these assaults have come not just from Republican-led statehouses, but from longstanding Democratic allies. Public sector unions have traditionally been a bulwark of the Democratic Party, providing Democratic officeholders money and votes. Scholarly accounts emphasize the close alliance Democrats built with public sector unions during the second half of the 20th century. Yet I argue that from the 1990s onward, Democratic-controlled state governments had a hand in weakening public sector unions and undercutting the position of public employees by opting not to expand bargaining rights, and by pursuing pension privatization and cutbacks. This project delineates public sector union history in four distinct phases (origins, expansion, stagnation and retrenchment), and traces the changing relationship between public sector unions and Democratic Party officials at the sub-national level. I use federal data, state legislative records, and interviews to examine the politics of the current period of retrenchment. Comparative state-level case studies and a regression analysis of voting on pension legislation in every state legislature reveal that Democratic support for retrenchment hinged on three factors: (1) interest group power and mobilization; (2) efforts of wealthy policy entrepreneurs; and (3) political leadership. I find that public sector unions were able to surmount this more difficult political environment only when labor (1) built coalitions with other interest groups and effectively countered business opposition; (2) secured large Democratic majorities within the statehouse; and (3) won the tacit support of the state?s governor. A looming Supreme Court ruling against mandatory union dues means the political environment for public sector unionization will only become more difficult in future years.

<p> A dichotomy within U.S. organizations needs attention. Society has labeled millennials as a narcissistic people who have entitlement issues and lack the competencies necessary for globalization. Millennials are firing back with a desire for purposeful work. Meanwhile, the cohort is employed in the workforce with this stigma and experience challenges promoting into executive leadership roles. </p><p> The purpose of this study is to understand the challenges that millennials face being promoted to executive leadership roles. The literature review explored the top U.S. organizations to discover what sets them apart in distinction. The findings determined that the most successful organizations followed three guided principles of (a) investing heavily in people, (b) valuing diversity inclusion, and (c) providing guidance in holistic leadership practices that promote emotional literacy.</p><p> Fifteen millennial leaders were interviewed using a phenomenological methodology. Four research questions guided the study to address challenges, practices, strategies, measuring success, and recommendations. Findings from the study resulted in 849 characteristics and 58 themes.</p><p> Three overarching challenges in addition to three overarching consequential lived experiences were interpreted through the data. Millennial leaders used holistic learning strategies, authentic leadership characteristics and ethical leadership practices to overcome challenges. Growth, meaning, and value were the three overarching desires that measured their success. Three overarching leadership themes emerged that recommended future aspiring leaders be authentic, purposeful and virtuous. Indeed, the millennials will birth virtuous leadership practices in U.S. organizations (McKenzie, 2017).</p><p> The data revealed a series of personality traits and practices that coincide with the competency skills necessary for executive leadership and considered most important for success. Key findings discovered a common theme in the discussions on the benefits of feedback for leadership success. The crux of development for millennials is to resolve their definition of purpose and meaningful work, and then develop learning opportunities that support organizational outcomes. McKenzie (2017) postulates a T.E.A.M. (Teaching Empathy and Mindfulness) framework that uses the &ldquo;U&rdquo; and &ldquo;I&rdquo; in TEAM to facilitate purpose through positive psychology. The leadership model is guided by teaching empathy and mindfulness with the utilization of best practices, strategies, and measurements of success highlighted in the study.</p><p>

Abstract not available.

Abstract not available.

One of the early leaders of the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL) was working-class woman and veteran trade union organizer Mary Kenney O'Sullivan (1864-1943). When she joined with several other trade unionists and social reformers to form, in 1903, the WTUL, Kenney O'Sullivan had already spent more than a dozen years attempting to forge a coalition between male-dominated organized labor and the social reform community in which Progressive-minded women played a vital role. Throughout, her primary goal was to improve the conditions of labor for women such as herself, primarily through trade unionism. In the early 1890s, then Mary Kenney was living in Chicago, working as a bookbinder. Frustrated by low wages and poor working conditions, Kenney formed Women's Bookbindery Union No. 1 as early as 1890. She went on to organize women in other trades, utilizing her connections with both the Chicago labor community and the social reform community, especially with the Chicago settlement, Hull House, and its founder, Jane Addams. In 1892, Kenney was briefly appointed the first national woman organizer for the American Federation of Labor (AFL). After her 1894 marriage to Boston labor leader, John O'Sullivan, and now known as Mary Kenney O'Sullivan, she would continue her trade union activity in that city, repeating the pattern of coalition building by relying upon both the Boston Central Labor Union and the local social reform community, particularly the settlement Denison House and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. While she had some success in organizing women workers, Kenney O'Sullivan's personal efforts at coalition building were often frustrated by the sharp class and gender distinctions of her day. In 1903, she joined several other trade unionists and social reformers in an attempt to institutionalize this fragile coalition of labor and social reform through the formation of the WTUL. The WTUL, on the national level and through its principal local branches in New York, Chicago and Boston, sought to cooperate with the AFL in organizing wage-earning women into trade unions, as well as provide education and agitate for protective labor legislation. It also attempted to bridge the gap between working-class and reformist middle-class women. Kenney O'Sullivan was a leader in both the National WTUL and its Boston branch and, as such, she attempted to insure that the WTUL concentrate on trade unionism for women. The possibilities and limits of doing so within a cross-class, cross-gender alliance are especially evident during the WTUL's early years. From the Fall River strike of 1904 to the Lawrence strike of 1912, the efforts of Kenney O'Sullivan and other like-minded women continued to be frustrated by the class and gender contraints of this period. This dissertation attempts to reveal the complexity of those gender and class constraints during the Progressive Era by focusing on the efforts of Mary Kenney O'Sullivan at organizing wage-earning women.