No description available.

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.

In the world today, economic exploitation of children is one of the most intolerable attacks to humanity. Given the extent of the phenomenon, international action is necessary to ensure its elimination. In this regard, international law can play an important role as it can direct formulations of State policy. Unfortunately, despite numerous normative developments, child labour still exists. Therefore, the author suggests that international action be reoriented at two levels. Firstly, the current approach must be re-evaluated to take into account the social dimension of child labour. Education should be a key focus in the struggle against child labour since it can work to fight the diverse causes of the problem while offering young labourers an alternative. Secondly, as normative control mechanisms are deficient, international law should be completed by direct intervention to ensure education is put at centre stage. Only direct action lead by international and local partners will eliminate the economic exploitation of children.

<p><font size="2" face="Arial"><font size="2" face="Arial"> <p align="left">This research paper is a review of the assertion by some commentators that the regulation of the labour market is a cause of the high unemployment rate in South Africa. It starts by providing a historical background of statutory industrial relations in South Africa leading to the current labour dispensation. The discussion includes a review of the current labour legislation and assessment of its compliance with international law. The rating of the South African labour market by the Doing Business study is discussed. This study seeks to ascertain whether there is a causal relation between labour market regulation and the unemployment rate. The conclusion reached is that South African labour legislation complies with international law as espoused in International Labour Organisation (ILO) Conventions, is not excessively rigid and, most importantly, that there is no convincing evidence of a causal relation between labour market regulation and the unemployment rate.</p> </font></font><font size="2" face="Arial"><font size="2" face="Arial"> <p>&nbsp / </p> </font></font></p>

<p>This research paper examines the different forms of employment patterns that have emerged as a result of globalisation as well as the mechanisms that have been used by the legislator to accommodate those in non-standard employment relationships.</p>

The present thesis is a logical outgrowth of the author's realization that rapid market globalization, spearheaded by faceless multinational corporations, is at the root of widespread abuse of the developing world's labour force. The situation clearly calls for corrective action in the form of a normative framework of effective regulations. Such a regulatory framework must needs to be enforced by a respected and dynamic international organization. Our research on this topic leads us to believe that the International Labour Organization (ILO) would be in an excellent position to supervise a proactive strategy of this kind, directly or indirectly, as it has the political clout and history to compel multinational corporations to respect their workers' most basic rights. In order to establish our case, we examine the legal questions at stake in this case study. In particular, we address the key attributes of multinational corporations, the issue of territorial sovereignty, the tripartite system, and the need for national legislation in any strategy involving workers' rights vis-a-vis multinational corporations. Next, we summarize the current level of accountability that multinational corporations have to their cross-border labour force. We then go on to discuss the ILO, the organization at the core of our reflections on multinational corporations' current (lack of) workplace accountability. Our research leads us to conclude that the ILO has not only the power to play that role, but also the duty to do so.

Inaug.-Diss.--Cologne, 1971? / Vita. Bibliography: p. iv-x.

Universiẗat, Diss., 2005--Regensburg. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [196]-321) and index.

Thesis (J.C.L.)--Catholic University of America, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-55).

Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diss.--Berlin, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 245-261) and index.