published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

对于转型期中国的劳动争议，为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系，另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制？为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议？而且，为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率，反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下？国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的？劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解？最后，国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响？对于上述问题，本文提出一种“司法化与“政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的“司法化特征，但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系“政治化，不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使，也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产，也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构，既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权，也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果，“调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略，调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面，“调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能，使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面，工人们“准司法化的维权观与国家“去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力，形成了“挤出效应，迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头，采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 / An expansion of mediation in China’s labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state’s long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor’s disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as “mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state’s capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers’ judicialized preference, the state’s over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China’s industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of “mediate first reveals a dual trajectory as strong politicization and weak judicialization in contemporary China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 庄文嘉. / "2013年6月". / "2013 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 245-264). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhuang Wenjia. / Chapter 第一章 --- 研究设计 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 研究问题 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 概念界定 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究方法 --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- 论文结构 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文献评述 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1 --- 中国研究中有关劳资关系中国家角色的讨论 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- 中国研究中有关调解机制的讨论 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3 --- 比较政治学中有关威权政治司法化的讨论 --- p.28 / Chapter 第三章 --- 制度遗产 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.1 --- 1912-1948年:“调而不停的工潮 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.2 --- 1949-1955年:理想国的改造 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.3 --- 1956-1985年:人民内部矛盾 --- p.56 / Chapter 3.4 --- 1986-1992年:先发制人 --- p.61 / Chapter 3.5 --- 1993-2007年:内忧外患 --- p.69 / Chapter 3.6 --- 2008-2012年:抗争与维稳 --- p.80 / Chapter 3.7 --- 小结 --- p.87 / Chapter 第四章 --- 地方利益结构 --- p.93 / Chapter 4.1 --- 保护地方投资环境和扩大财稅收益 --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2 --- 回应上级维稳压力 --- p.99 / Chapter 4.3 --- 克服行政资源不足和改善治理能力 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.4 --- 应付绩效考核和缓解工作压力 --- p.106 / Chapter 4.5 --- 走向“大调解 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.6 --- 小结 --- p.114 / Chapter 第五章 --- 法律(潜在)使用者的支持程度 --- p.117 / Chapter 5.1 --- 对调解者的强政治信任 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.2 --- 操作化 --- p.125 / Chapter 5.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.135 / Chapter 5.4 --- 小结 --- p.138 / Chapter 第六章 --- 调解何以优先 --- p.142 / Chapter 6.1 --- 不运用法律的法律运用 --- p.142 / Chapter 6.2 --- 操作化、数据与方法 --- p.146 / Chapter 6.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.153 / Chapter 6.4 --- 小结 --- p.161 / Chapter 第七章 --- “调解优先的宏观影响：分化效应和制度内抗争的个体化 --- p.164 / Chapter 7.1 --- 转型期中国的集体性劳动争议 --- p.167 / Chapter 7.2 --- 假设与操作化 --- p.172 / Chapter 7.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.182 / Chapter 7.4 --- 小结 --- p.186 / Chapter 第八章 --- “调解优先的微观影响:挤出效应和制度外抗争的暴力化 --- p.188 / Chapter 8.1 --- “准司法化的维权观和“去司法化的维稳观 --- p.189 / Chapter 8.2 --- 操作化与方法 --- p.196 / Chapter 8.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.201 / Chapter 8.4 --- 小结 --- p.210 / Chapter 第九章 --- 结论：调而不解的劳动争议 --- p.211 / Chapter 9.1 --- 研究发现 --- p.211 / Chapter 9.2 --- 研究贡献 --- p.219 / Chapter 9.3 --- 研究局限性与下一步研究计划 --- p.225 / Chapter 附录1 --- 2012年广州四区外来工抽样调查执行问卷 --- p.228 / Chapter 附录2 --- 2008年至2012年在广东省田野调查中的访谈目录 --- p.243 / 参考文献 --- p.245

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

Academically, this study's significance is two-fold. First, by way of comparative study, it proves the applicability of the "Political Process Model" to an authoritarian polity, provided that adjustment is made on the basis of the parameters proposed by Cook (1996). That is to say, political opportunity is rare in a closed political system and only arises in a particular "proximate environment" or a certain specific period of time. It is non-structural. Therefore the opportunity can only be measured by its functionality, which includes the diminution of the possibility of suppression and the access to the polity. In respect of the latter, this study ushers in the new concept of "leverage" to explain how those groups far from the core of power used their numerical strength to successfully challenge the authoritarian colonial government. / Secondly, in the process of sorting out the historical context of the insurgency, it has become apparent to me that since the end of WWII, the colonial government had been actively intervened in the education arena in order to achieve its total domination. Towards that end, the colonial government had laid down political and economic regulations in accordance with its political agenda, established a highly comparable legal and administrative framework. Supported by empirical data, this study casts serious doubt on the validity the political setting of "small government, big family" promulgated by the popular theory of "Utilitarian Familism". It further provisionally confirms that the institutional complex structured by the state together with the ideology of "meritocracy" actively crafted by it ought to be one of the causes of political stability in Hong Kong. The same also provides a plausible explanation of the political apathy of local teachers. / The "Certificated Teachers' Pay Dispute in 1973" ("the Dispute") was, historically the first collective insurgency of indigenous teachers as well as the first industrial action taken by local civil servants. Teachers from publicly funded schools successfully claimed their economic demands from the then colonial administration. Prima facie the subject matter of this study seems to be concerned only with the economic interest of a certain group of people. However, an in-depth inquiry brings to the fore its underlying political theme, i.e. the redistribution of power. Herein I use the "Political Process Model" as the theoretical framework and the "struggling for power" as the conceptual tool to operate the empirical data. This study also verifies that the Dispute was the confluence of two major political processes, namely (1) an unprecedented political opportunity provided by changes in the political structure, and (2) the change of indigenous organizational strength. The notion of "collective grievances" cannot provide a convincing explanation of the issues aforesaid. / The Dispute was a landmark event in local trade union movement. An in-depth investigation can unearth its deep-rooted significance and thereby throw more useful light on local social change. In addition, this study exposes the excessive instrumentality of the local education institution which I think, all educators should critically examine and resist. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) / 余惠萍. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(p. 285-297). / Adviser: Wing Kwong Tsang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-03, Section: A, page: 0948. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (p. 285-297). / Yu Huiping.