The Latino immigrant population in the United States has grown rapidly, now standing at over 56 million people. Due to this increase in Latino immigrants, investigation of their mental and physical health is crucial. Few studies have investigated conjointly both physical and mental health in Latino immigrant adults. Daily discrimination and acculturative stress have been found to affect the mental and physical health of Latino immigrants. Cultural strengths including social support, religiosity, and enculturation have been linked to Latino immigrant health. In the minority stress model, cultural strengths have been theorized to moderate relationships between discrimination and health. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships among acculturative stress, discrimination, and mental and physical health. A secondary aim was to examine whether direct and indirect effects among these series of variables are moderated by social support, religiosity, and enculturation. A community sample of 204 Latino immigrants were recruited. Generally, bivariate associations between variables were congruent with previous research. Anxiety was found to mediated the effects of both acculturative stress and discrimination on physical health. Depression was found to mediate the effect of discrimination on physical health. Social support was found to moderate indirect effect of discrimination on physical health through depression. Enculturation moderated the indirect effects of both acculturative stress and discrimination on physical health through anxiety. Results from this study indicate that minority stressors can impact physical health through mental health, and these relationships can be buffered by links to cultural strengths including social support and enculturation.

A recent trend in immigration is the arrival of foreign-born Latinos to new destinations in the American West and South. The influx of these immigrants has been accompanied by growth in Latino-owned businesses. Although we know a great deal about ethnic entrepreneurship in traditional immigrant destinations, few studies have been conducted to examine this phenomenon in new immigrant destinations. The purpose of this study was to collect, analyze, and report the experiences of Latino entrepreneurs in one new immigrant destination, namely Cache County, Utah. The study finds that Latino entrepreneurs in the study draw heavily on family ties in their business development, that they lack support at the community and institutional level, and that their role in the host and co-ethnic communities is more complex than the existing literature captures.

Previous research suggests that competition in the low-skilled labor market associated with Latino immigration is related to crime for rural whites and urban blacks. Furthermore, studies suggest that communities can selectively enforce norms regarding crimes. This study tested whether low-skill job competition associated with Latino immigration is correlated with higher rates of drug use than drug dealing, and higher rates of instrumental crimes than expressive crimes. Furthermore, this study tested whether urban blacks were more affected than urban whites, and rural whites more than rural blacks. The results did not support the original hypotheses, except that urban blacks were more affected than urban whites. This suggests support for Anderson’s Code of the Street. However, differing crime increases between rural and urban areas suggests that Anderson’s theory may not work everywhere. Lastly, the control variables suggest that the race-crime relationship may be more complex when other factors are controlled for.

This dissertation analyzes the effects of Latino immigration on the representation of Latinos and African-Americans on local school boards and attempts to explain under what conditions Latino immigrants provoke opposition among whites. I consider two measures of representation based on representative bureaucracy—the membership of Latinos and African-Americans on school boards and bias in the responsiveness of white school board members toward these two groups. Whites as the major racial group in the U.S. have been the subject of much intergroup relations research focusing on competition for scarce resources, perceived threat and group biases (e.g., Evans and Giles, 1986; Giles and Evans, 1985, 1986; Esses, Jackson and Armstrong, 1998), and I also focus on their racial behaviors as voters in school board elections and as school board members. I consider Latino immigration in this research because emerging evidence suggests that Latino immigration poses a growing threat to whites, leading them to shift their support from Latinos to a countervailing group, such as African-Americans (e.g., Meier and Stewart, 1991; Rocha, 2007). First, I examine whether Latino immigration into a community affects the support of white citizens for Latino or African-American membership on school boards. Second, I examine whether white school board members also are influenced by Latino immigration in their responsiveness to Latino and African-American parents. It is likely that the reactions of whites to Latino immigration are conditioned by their preexisting racial attitudes, so this dissertation also tests competing theories of community racial climate—group threat and group contact. I expect that racial tensions within a community should moderate the influence of Latino immigration on these two forms of Latino and African-American representation. Overall, this dissertation expands the study of representative bureaucracy by combining past research on community racial climates with conditions influencing minority representation. In addition to examining the determinants of passive representation, this dissertation links expectations of the racial behavior of white citizens with the behavior of white school board members by considering the possibility that school board members express “discriminatory intent” (Mendez and Grose, 2014) on non-policy related matters. A better understanding of the determinants of public officials’ personal biases should help to explain the targeting of substantive policy benefits to minorities, which is the focus of much other representative bureaucracy research. While I base my analysis of school board membership on inferences of white voter behavior from aggregate election results, I directly measure white school board member responsiveness using data gathered from a novel randomized field experiment and e-mail audit design. Representative bureaucracy researchers have called for more of this type of individual-level data to help explain minority advocacy (Bradbury and Kellough, 2011).