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Democracy in Lesotho: theory and practice of oppositionMohapi, Refiloe Alphonce January 2006 (has links)
Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
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The life and times of Moshoeshoe, from his birth c. 1786 to the proclamation of the Orange River Sovereignty in February 1848Sanders, Peter January 1970 (has links)
No description available.
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Administration of development planning in LesothoHirschmann, David 06 August 2015 (has links)
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of
the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the Degree of Doctor
of Philosophy, 1979 / The central focus of this thesis is on the machinery of
planning in tae Lesotho Government and the tasks which it
endeavoured ;o initiate and administer. One objective of the
study has therefore been ti furnish a detailed internal history
of those departments of" Government (in particular, the
Central Planning and Development Office) principally concerned
with planniig. The primary purpose, however, lias been to use
this casu study to provide an insight into the nature of the
bureaucracy and, mere specifically, into its attitude toward,
and capability of Initiating, reform. The study thus relates
to one of the major issues of concern to political and administrative
analysts of underdeveloped and recently politicallyindeoendent
states: namely the compatibility or otherwise of
the ’bureaucracy* with 'reform' and 'development'.
Planning wa. selected as an appropriate focal point for
this analysis, since it had generated such great expectations
in the early post-colonial period. It was common to the administrative
experience of many new state that the establishment
of a central planning office was considered to be one
essential early step toward change and progress.
The detailed case study covers the administration of planning
in Lesotho for the ten years between 19^5 and 1975• It
commences immediately before the establishment of the Planning
Office, obt.vrvcs its establishment, the problematic early years
of minimal advance and, later, its more rapid growth and relatively
enhanced efficiency. A portrayal of this history as a
subunit struggling to increase its influence in conflict and
competition with other subunits of a large bureaucratic organization,
presents a more accurate representation than one
Which suggests the evolution of tic planning machinery as part
oi a s'- Totic exercise in administrative reform.
next section, which relates and discusses the visws
and concerns of the participants themselves, is intended Co
offer further insight into the •official mind' of the Lesotho
bureaucracy, and thus to supplement the case study.
A brief examination of the principal features of Lesotho's
economy follows. This reveals clearly that the me L. trends are
towards a deipening state of underdevelopment and a steadily
growing dependence. The record of a deteriorating economic
predicament is Jux+*posed with the strengthening of the planning
machinery and so throws into question the role of the
bureaucracy in a situation of this nature.
At the cloaa, three approaches to public administration in
underdeveloped countries are discussed as a means of interpreting
wlia t , exactly, lias been observed.
Ihe 1 irst conclusion is tliat the case a^udy reveals a
strengthening of the planning machinery which would satisfy the
very m dest requirements of reform as understood by the 'African
Public Administration and Management' movement. Taking
note of the manner in which the planning machinery has grown
and also of certain practices and policies of the civil service
as a whole, the second conclusion is that the changes
observed fall far short of the demands of the 'development administration'
movement; there was little serious interest in
the type oi reform which that movement proposed.
v- brief discussion of the 'bureaucracy' and the 'migrant
worker , set against the background of economic deterioration
and increasing dependence, leads to the final conclusion. This
confirms the 'underdevelopment and dependence' movement's perception
of the role of the bureaucracy in the post-colonial
or,,. Lesotho's civil Service was gaining material advantage
from, and serving to abet, the forces of underdevelopment. In
the i trial analysis, therefore, the case observed is one of
administration for underdevelopment; tliat is, underdevelopment
administration.
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An evaluation of the problems facing the Maseru City Council (MCC) in the process of urban management in Maseru.Lebentlele, Ntsoaki Thakane. January 2000 (has links)
No abstract available. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, 2000.
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The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policyMahao, Lehloenya January 2006 (has links)
This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
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Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in MaseruKapa, Motlamelle Anthony January 2010 (has links)
This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
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An analysis of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy in the kingdom of Lesotho: a case studyBukae, Nkosi Makhonya January 2012 (has links)
The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.
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Local government in post-1993 Lesotho : an analysis of the role of traditional leadersMatlanyane, Letlatsa. January 2013 (has links)
Thesis ( M. Tech. (Public Management )) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013 / Traditional Leaders (Chiefs) historically served as “governors” of their communities with
authority over all aspects of life, ranging from social welfare to judicial functions. The
Basotho generally hold Chiefs in high esteem, continue to turn to them for assistance
when conflict arises, depend on them for services, such as birth and death registration
and regard them as integral and relevant role-players in local governance. Although
many countries in Africa maintain a system of Traditional Leadership and many have
incorporated Traditional Leaders into democratic forms of government, a concern exists
in some quarters that Chieftainship in Lesotho may present a challenge to democratic
governance and development. Similarly, local government structures created by the
current decentralisation processes are perceived by many as deteriorating the authority
of Chiefs. According to the Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 (Act 5 of 1993), the co-
existence of the Chiefs and local Councils are legitimised. Under the legislation
governing this process (the Local Government Act, 1997 (Act 6 of 1997), some of their
powers and functions have been transferred to local government structures. The major
sources of conflict between Chiefs and Councillors appear to be uncertainty and
confusion around roles and functions of the various role-players created by the
legislative and institutional framework and the loss of power and status that many Chiefs
feel. Some of this confusion may be a deliberate form of resistance to the changes, but
it is apparent that legislative clarity is required and that the roles and functions of all role-
players need to be clearly defined and understood if development is to take place in a
coordinated way.
The inclusion of two Chiefs in each Community Council as well as two in District
Municipalities would seem a genuine attempt to ensure that Chiefs are not marginalised
in this modern system of local governance in Lesotho. The high proportion of Traditional
Leaders (Principal Chiefs) in the Senate is a clear indication of the pre-eminence of the
institution of Chieftaincy (Traditional Leadership) in Lesotho. On the other hand, the
National Assembly is completely elected and consists of 120 members, elected through
the so-called Mixed–Member-Proportional representation model. Although Chieftaincy is
part of this organ of the state, it has limited powers in the legislative process and general
decision-making processes outside Parliament. These powers are instead a jurisdiction
of the elected representatives in the National Assembly. A similar set up exists at the
local government level where Councillors enjoy decision-making powers with
Chieftainship structures, such as the village, area and ward Chiefs role being
ambiguously defined.
It is very clear that the co-existence of the two institutions is a very crucial and
challenging one. This co-existence has raised a number of political, developmental and
conceptual problems and problems and challenges that have not been adequately
addressed, let alone resolved. One of the problems is the anomalous situation in which
people are simultaneously citizens of the state and subjects of the Chiefs. Other
challenges include, amongst others, contradicting legislation, revenue constraints, a lack
of human resource capacity, poor stakeholder management, the increasing rate of
HIV/Aids in Lesotho, and so forth. Possible causes of these challenges had been
investigated as well as how they can be managed or minimised in order to enable Chiefs
to play an effective role in a modern democracy.
With this research study an attempt was made to explore the role of Traditional Leaders
in the current system of local government in Lesotho and how to improve Chieftainship
as a strategy to complement governance at the grassroots level. The term “Chiefs” is
used in this research study as synonymous to Traditional Leaders, because it is the
term used in all legislation dealing with Traditional Leaders in Lesotho and it includes
Principal Chiefs, Area Chiefs, Chiefs and Headmen, unless the context clearly indicates
otherwise.
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Electoral political participation of opposition political parties in Lesotho in the period 1993 to 2006Saoana, Tennyson Teboho Tsokolo 11 March 2013 (has links)
The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the
following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho
weakened since 1993?"
A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve
representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the
interviewees are in appendix 5.
This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among
others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral
system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive
legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the
opposition parties have been noted.
The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more
inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the
opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be
major factors. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)
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Basutoland and the High Commission, with particular reference to the years 1868-1884 : the changing nature of the Imperial Government's "special responsibility" for the territoryBenyon, John A. January 1968 (has links)
No description available.
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