Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2005. / Thesis directed by Maureen T. Hallinan for the Department of Sociology. "April 2005." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 404-414).

Thesis--PlanA (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

Canada actively promotes itself as a multicultural nation. Seeing that in the 2001 census, almost half of all Canadians reported an origin other than British, French, or Aboriginal, it can be said that Canada truly contains the globe within its borders. As the global economy becomes increasingly interdependent, and as linguistic and cultural diversity rapidly increase, it is as important as ever to address how Canada can fulfill its desire to become a multilingual and multicultural society. The 1971 federal policy of multiculturalism positioned the retention of heritage languages [HLs] as integral to maintaining cultural diversity. Yet, since the early nineties, HLs have been neglected by both federal and provincial governments. For many communities, language is at the core of ethnic identity. It has been Iong argued that the two are inextricably linked. Though the relationship between language and culture is a contentious issue, few deny the benefits of a multihngual society. Th~s thesis asks whether the government's laissez-faire approach to linguistic diversity has impaired cultural diversity and its maintenance. It investigates how the language policies of the Canadian government and three of its provinces, British Columbia, Ontario, and Alberta, have supported the maintenance of HLs, in talk and action, over the past thirty years. Through a critical analysis of federal and provincial discourse, it is demonstrated that government policy and action have excluded and diminished the value of languages and their role in sustaining multiculturalism. What is more, the lack of support for HLs, at both levels of government, has demonstrated an attack on culture and the core value of multiculturalism; the creation of an inclusive society that ensures all Canadians access to and participation in Canada's social, cultural and economic institutions. The goal of this study is to develop a policy framework which works to decelerate the loss of one of Canada's most valuable assets -- its hguistic and cultural mosaic.

Language is at the center of much debate in l’Acadie, a Francophone community in what has always been a peripheral region of, first, European Empires, and next, the North American market. Now, mobilizing neoliberal ideologies, Acadian community leaders and the Canadian federal government are striving to develop the global commodification of Acadian culture, through arts and tourism, as a way to ensure the reproduction of Acadian identity in a global economy. The Acadian art scene, first institutionalized as a space for the protection of Acadian culture and the French language by community organizations and the State, has long been a privileged space for the production and reproduction of nationalist understandings of Acadian culture. The commodification of culture is a site of ideological tensions on questions of nationalism as, simultaneously, increased urbanization and the democratization of the media is challenging the nationalist understanding of Acadian identity, as artists and community organizations claim a space of multilingualism in their work. In this presentation, I will draw on data I collected in a multisited ethnography, to show how the push for commodification is a source of tension for the Acadian community. I track ideologies of language from the government decision-making to the production and circulation of Acadian art, to analyze the tensions Acadian artists and community organizers experience as they try to enter or maintain themselves in the global economy, through the use of web-based media, alterglobalizing networks or government and private sponsorships. I will show how the institutionalization of languages as homogeneous is constraining the field of Acadian art, as actors are deploying diverse strategies to participate within or critique the existing networks.

Language is at the center of much debate in l’Acadie, a Francophone community in what has always been a peripheral region of, first, European Empires, and next, the North American market. Now, mobilizing neoliberal ideologies, Acadian community leaders and the Canadian federal government are striving to develop the global commodification of Acadian culture, through arts and tourism, as a way to ensure the reproduction of Acadian identity in a global economy. The Acadian art scene, first institutionalized as a space for the protection of Acadian culture and the French language by community organizations and the State, has long been a privileged space for the production and reproduction of nationalist understandings of Acadian culture. The commodification of culture is a site of ideological tensions on questions of nationalism as, simultaneously, increased urbanization and the democratization of the media is challenging the nationalist understanding of Acadian identity, as artists and community organizations claim a space of multilingualism in their work. In this presentation, I will draw on data I collected in a multisited ethnography, to show how the push for commodification is a source of tension for the Acadian community. I track ideologies of language from the government decision-making to the production and circulation of Acadian art, to analyze the tensions Acadian artists and community organizers experience as they try to enter or maintain themselves in the global economy, through the use of web-based media, alterglobalizing networks or government and private sponsorships. I will show how the institutionalization of languages as homogeneous is constraining the field of Acadian art, as actors are deploying diverse strategies to participate within or critique the existing networks.

This thesis examines one of the most important areas through which a state can affect the vitality of a minority language community: the use of minority languages in the public administration. The study begins with an examination of the European Union Framework with regard to the protection of minority languages in the light of the Treaty of Lisbon and the Charter of Nice. It analyses the relevant Council of Europe Treaties, and in particular the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in so far as they deal with the protection of minority languages in the public administration and public institutions. The thesis also assesses the CoE and EU Frameworks for the protection of minority languages. The national and regional legislation of Italy (Valle d’Aosta, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Sardinia and Sicily), Spain (Catalonia, Basque Autonomous Community, Navarra, Galicia, Balearic Islands and Valencia) and UK (Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland) are scrutinized to compare the different approaches adopted for the protection of minority languages. This analysis is focused on the crucial sectors of the public administration and public institutions which have both a high symbolic value and significant levels of inter-action with the minority language-speaking populations. The similarities and differences between the Italian, Spanish and the UK legislation in this field are examined, such gaps as exist between the aims of the legislation and reality are identified, as are the difficulties in the implementation of this form of legislation in the public administration.

Thesis (M.R.P.)--University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. / Open access. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alberta, 2008. / Includes Vita. Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 25, 2010) Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 261-266). Also issued in print.