In recent years political scientists have shown increasing interest in the relationship between international and intranational politics. One of the problems most frequently dealt with in this area is the relationship between foreign and domestic conflict behaviour. Some of the notions involved are quite venerable and are commonly used in explaining specific events. One such notion is scapegoating, the diversion of popular attention from domestic conflicts to foreign ones. Another such concept posits the strengthening of internal solidarity in the face of external conflict. However, attempts at scientific, systematic examinations of the issue have yielded evidence of only weak relationships at best. In this paper the problem is again approached, though from a different angle than in most other studies. The types of behaviour examined are interstate violence and intrastate political unrest. Measures for each of these variables are developed. Correlations between the measures are then computed for each of four Middle Eastern states: Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria. The calculations are made both with and without time lags. The results show no significant relationship between the variables for Israel. For Syria unrest predicts positively and with moderate strength to subsequent interstate violence, while interstate violence predicts moderately and negatively to subsequent unrest. For Egypt and Jordan the variables predict strongly and positively to each other. It is suggested that these differences among the states may be due to differing degrees of freedom of access to political channels in them. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

In the diploma thesis is described a term "security" within the context of actual world situation, it is also mapped water allocation in the world and made an analysis of the security situation in the Middle East in term of availability of water resources.

Main point of my thesis is to analyse the possible variants and plans of solutions the conflict between Israel and Palestine and also the main reasons why both sides are not able to achieve agreement and why niether of plans were not implemented. I do not try to decide which side is right but to provide objective view of conflict and its solutions.

At present time, actual role and political activity of Arab countries have a more significant impact on the political development and strategic plans of global politics that the political, geographic and demographic ambitions of Arabs themselves are. The main goal of this study is to describe current development in the region related to global interests and regional influences, especially focused on Syria and Lebanon.

This diploma thesis works with the hypothesis that the existence of oil, which is a non-renewable resource of energy with limited availability (geographically as well as in terms of the available amount)influenced internal formation and international relations of the Middle Eastern states, which are the primary world oil exporters. The main goal of this thesis is to analyse this assumption based on the history of oil industry and determine to what extent has the oil contributed to the current position of the Middle East in the international relations.

This study aims to examine the degree of influence that societal and organizational cultures, as specified by the GLOBE project, have on employment equity in the Omani public sector. Therefore, a theoretical framework has been built and developed in two main areas, which are culture and employment equity. In addition, the methodology of the study has been designed to use both quantitative and qualitative research approaches for triangulation. Quantitative data was collected from a sample of 290 Omani civil servants representing several public organizations, while qualitative data was collected in a single case study of Oman’s Royal Court Affairs (RCA) organization, 12 general managers from which were interviewed. The independent variables were dimensions of societal and organizational culture, and the dependent variables were employment equity in general, which includes seven critical success factors behind employment equity. The analysis for the quantitative data was carried out using SPSS software, while interviews were analysed manually due to the small number of participants. The results of the study confirm that societal and organizational cultures have significant influence on employment equity (EE). However, not all cultural dimensions have the same direction or degree of influence on employment equity. In fact, some of these dimensions have no significant correlation with EE. Also, the study found that there were no differences between managers’ and employees’ responses with regard to 34 cultural dimensions out of 36. The two dimensions in which the results differed between these groups were Human Orientation and Future Orientation for organizational culture value. Additionally, the results show that participants believe that there is a real need for higher EE in the Omani public sector as there were clear differences between current practices of EE and how it should be. Moreover, there were significant positive correlations between all seven critical success factors behind effective EE. This result indicates that these factors are interacting between each other in a positive way. Also, a suggested framework was developed to show how government and other organizations could positively use and benefit from the influences of cultural dimensions to enhance EE among employees. Researchers also could benefit from such a framework as well as the overall findings of this thesis by using them as a starting point for further research to fill the observed knowledge gap in this area.

In its approach to the Palestinian-Jordanians’ issue, this dissertation employs a security-based theory and technique, which deal with the issue as a securitization case-study. It employs a modified version of the securitization theory offered by the Copenhagen School to evaluate the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians. It addresses, reviews, weighs and evaluates the four strategies and tools of the Jordanian securitization model toward Palestinian-Jordanians: exclusionism, tribalism, cooptation and ideologization, which present the independent variables of this study. This evaluation process is based on a multi-standard strategy, which discusses the goals, the evidence, the outputs and the structure of the Jordanian securitization model since Black September 1970. In terms of methodology, the dissertation adopted a multi-method strategy, which used field research, participant observation and elite interviewing as primary methods for data acquisition. In its security-based re-reading of the modern Jordanian history and its evaluation of the Jordanian national security strategy, the dissertation concludes that the Jordanian securitization model has led to a number of dangerous adverse reactions and hazards, which threaten Jordanian national security. The awakening of the extreme versions of nationalism, the rise of social/tribal violence and the emergence of the radical Islamist Salafi-Jihadi movement are examples of the hazardous outputs of the classical Jordanian national security strategy. Although the classical strategy has succeeded in maintaining the physical survival of the state/regime in Jordan since 1921, it has failed to cure the structural crises of statehood and nationhood, which the Jordanian state suffers from. Also, the classical strategy has failed to decisively answer the strategic questions of "what is Jordan?" and "who are Jordanians?". This strategic failure of the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians rings alarm bells about the strategic and urgent need for an alternative national security strategy based on egalitarianism, modernism, populism and democratization.

Univerzita Karlova Filozofická fakulta Ústav světových dějin Historické vědy - Obecné dějiny Tomáš Jaroš Konflikt na Blízkém východě a mezinárodně politická role Německa v mírovém procesu na počátku třetího tisíciletí The conflict in the Middle east and internationally, the political role of Germany in the peace process at the beginning of the third millennium Abstrakt dizertační práce 2017 Prof. PhDr. Václav Horčička, Ph.D. Title: The conflict in the Middle east and internationally, the political role of Germany in the peace process at the beginning of the third millennium Abstract: The theme of the presented work is the conflict between the two parties for the entry into of the problem and his suggestion how to solve the resulting dispute and the subsequent review of the German policy in the Middle east from a German perspective to the war outbreak. The first part of the work focuses on the content and the nature of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The second part will be an analysis of the actual German middle east policy, as shaped, change and implement the federal government since the early fifties.The second half of the second section will provide interpretation of the German middle east policy at the turn of the second and third millennium. This section will outline and explain the three...

Journalists in Iran work in a complex situation. In this study through conducting in-depth interviews with 12 Iranian journalists, I tried to understand this complex context. More specifically by conducting a critical discourse analysis on their words, I examined how these journalists make sense of their news work and what meanings emerge from it. I also, based on the framework of journalism ideology Deuze’s (2005), compared their meanings and values with mainstream journalists on a global level. I realized there are two main, even contrasting, categories of meaning for them. On the one hand, they feel frustrated about the future of their jobs at the personal level, and also the entire journalism profession at the broader level. In fact, they see how their job, both as a profession and as a social responsibility, is losing its importance. On the other hand, despite all those frustrating forces, they try to remain active. They engage in processes in order to make sense of their working lives. They attribute other meanings to their job in order to feel they are still useful, efficient, and influential. Iranian journalists are influenced more by the context, most importantly censorship and economic hardships, they live in rather than what they think are universal journalism norms.

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