Thesis (M.S.)--B.Y.U. College of Religious Instruction. / Electronic thesis. Also available in print ed.

Thesis (M.S.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of History. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 100-103.

Thesis (M.S.)--B.Y.U. Dept. of Health Science. / Electronic thesis. Also available in print ed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brigham Young University, 1996. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-237).

The Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints began missionary activities in Utah in 1863. Missionaries were active throughout the territory. Over three thousand members of the Utah Mormon Church were brought into the ranks of the Reorganization during the nineteenth century. Dissatisfied Mormons found the message of the Reorganization attractive. The "new church" denied polygamy and was led by Joseph Smith III, the oldest son of the mormon Prophet Joseph Smith. Its anti-Brigham Young attitude encouraged many dissatisfied Utah Mormons to join the Reorganization. Outstanding Josephite missionaries, often ex-Utah Mormons, were very successful in spreading their new found faith among their friends and relatives. Very few of the converts remained in Utah; each spring from 1863-1875 a migration of Josephites left the Great Basin. Small temporary branches of the Reorganized Church were established in most of the larger communities in Utah. Many of these fell apart as migration deplete numbers, but the branches at Ogden, Provo, Union Fort, Salt Lake City in Utah, and Malad, Idaho, survived into the twentieth century. The Reorganized missionaries and converts in Utah made a significant impact upon federal government anti-Mormon legislation of the late nineteenth century. The Josephites also acted as a safety valve for dissatisfied Latter-day Saints. No other religious group was so successful in proselyting among Mormons in Utah as the Reorganized Church during the nineteenth century.

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is an evangelical religion. From a beginning in western New York in 1830, it grew into a world-wide organization which numbered more than a million and a half members by 1960. Those largely responsible for this growth have been the Church members who have volunteered two to three years of their time to missionary service. In 1960 there were approximately 7,000 of these missionaries working in different areas of the world. Of this number, almost 1,800 were serving in Europe, where with the exception of the personnel of the United States government groups, they probably constituted the largest single group of organized Americans living abroad. This study will trace the history of Mormon missionary work in France up to 1960. The French Mission encompasses most of the French-speaking areas of western Europe, and at various times during its history included all of France, the Channel Islands, and those parts of SWitzerland and Belgium where French is the predominate language. Also included in this study is a brief description of Mormon proselyting among the French-speaking Waldenses people of northern Italy. This was included because for many years Italy has been, at least nominally, assigned to the French Mission. Though missionaries have not proselyted in Italy for more than 100 years, there are a handful of Mormons living in that country. In this thesis, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is frequently referred to either as "the Church" or "the Mormon Church." This is done to avoid the repetition of its longer official name. Also, the Mormon missionaries are termed simply "the missionaries" or "the elders," the title elder being an office or degree of the Mormon priesthood to which all male missionaries belong. There are two remaining terms which need clarification. They are "branch" and "ward." In Mormon usage the branch is a small congregation of believers presided over by a branch president and two counselors. The ward is a somewhat larger congregation presided over by a bishop and two counselors. In the writing of this thesis a number of people have been instrumental in aiding the author by advice or in research materials. A particular debt of gratitude is owed to Professor S. George Ellsworth, chairman of the writer's graduate committee, for his valuable counsel and assistance. Appreciation is also expressed to the other members of the committee, Professors Leonard J. Arrington and Douglas D. Alder, for their helpful suggestions and encouragement. For their cooperation in allowing access to the historical data and records on the French Mission, the writer owes a special thanks to the staff of the Church Historian's Office of the Mormon Church. The author is also sincerely grateful to those who have read and criticized this thesis, and especially to his wife, Connie, who helped more than words can express by her patient encouragement.

This thesis examines the development of the economy during the period the Mormons were in Illinois, 1839-1846. It argues that the economy developed similarly to contemporary towns and that the Mormons in Nauvoo participated in the local and regional market. However, the doctrine of the gathering produced explosive population growth, including almost 5,000 immigrants from Britain. The economy was not able to absorb the number and this contributed to the exodus of the Mormons to the west in 1846. The main sources used are surviving account books, diaries, journals from merchants and farmers. The first chapter describes the settlement of Illinois and where the Mormons fit in relation to contemporary towns. They were influenced by boosterism, paper towns, and the river economy in Illinois. The public rhetoric about communal practices caused confusion with Mormons and their neighbors. In the second chapter, using data from the account books, evidence shows that the Mormons traded with other towns and participated in the market. In the third chapter, the impact of the gathering, particularly the British immigrants, is analyzed. As the explosion of population occurred in Nauvoo, rival towns, particularly Warsaw, were threatened by the perceived economic strength. The death of prophet Joseph Smith in 1844 was the beginning of the end for the economy in Nauvoo and contributed to the decision to abandon the town and move west in 1846. The study challenges the prevailing historical interpretation of a self-sufficient economy even though there were some unique elements in Nauvoo due to the religious aspect of the gathering. Comparing commerce in Hancock County to the regional market in different stages of economic development shows how Nauvoo fit into the larger picture in western Illinois. One contribution of the study is to show the impact of the emerging market economy and that even the Mormons participated in the market.

This research addresses the paradoxical beliefs and conceptualizations about money and stewardship among young adult Mormons and its consequences for the Mormon identity. The findings for this paper are based on 12 in-depth interviews with Brigham Young University students, recently graduated students, and, when applicable, their spouses, totaling 20 interviewees between the ages of 20 and 31. The data suggest that unique beliefs surrounding money have emerged from the Mormon culture as remnants of their early Mormon values still lingering in contemporary Mormon culture clash with the individualistic and consumer culture surrounding the interviewees. Interviewees demonstrate cognitive dissonance as they attempt to combine the contradictory concepts of stewardship and consumerism into their financial attitudes and behaviors. The connection between money and their Mormon identity was articulated often as a need to stay out of debt and avoid extravagance.

When writing about a culture, ethnographers can convey important insights about society. However, ethnography can also misrepresent culture. To address this fact, reflexive ethnography attempts to influence both the methodology and the rhetoric of writing about culture. Reflexivity seeks to acknowledge the bias of the researcher. To include the voice of the cultural insiders, and to more closely represent the dynamics of cultures that always have an element of hybridity. However, reflexive ethnographies can also be unwieldy and impractical. Therefore, one must find a pragmatic application of reflexivity.Reflexivity can have application to Mormon folklore studies. The most important Mormon folklorists in the mid-twentieth century were Austin and Alta Fife and their folklore research includes the ethnography "A Mormon from the Cradle to the Grave," a non-reflexive text that both reveals and conceals aspects of Mormon culture. Analyzing the Fife's world view and the context that surrounded the production of their research helps reveal why their writings describe Mormon culture the way they do. Such a project also assesses their work in a reflexive way as it reveals researcher bias and includes more cultural voices.William A. (Bert) Wilson took the Fifes' place as the preeminent Mormon folklorist, and his work provides a more complete cultural description. He moves past the Fifes survivalist mode to a functional description on Mormon culture. He also combines an insider perspective with his functionalism. Such a shift focuses more on cultural context and does a better job at representing culture. In these aspects, Wilson's work is a step towards reflexivity.Reflexivity, however, could play a greater role in the work of Mormon folklorists. Wilson has called for modifications in the study and writing about Mormon folklore. He has argued that much of the past work misrepresents Mormon folklore by ignoring the more common stories in favor or the supernatural. His urging to modify the type of lore that is collected and analyzed will make Mormon folklore more reflexive. The researcher focus will be closer to what the culture itself is like. Reflexivity could also come about by adopting more reflexive methodologies, like those advocated by Elaine Lawless. Finally, Mormon folklorists can also make sure that all voices are heard in the complex subcultures of Mormonism.

The purposes of this study were (1) to learn how many persons who were members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints were blind, (2) to determine the social and economic conditions of these blind members, and (3) to learn what the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has done to promote employment of blind members through its Welfare Program, and how this was accomplished.