Inaug.-Diss.--Greifswald. / Vita. Chapter I (in Latin translation) of the author's dissertation "De machinarum vi in status populorum oeconomicos" written in German (cf. Pref.) The complete work was never published.

Thèse--Universit́e de Paris. / "Bibliographie": p. [299]-302.

Thesis--Frankfurt am Main. / Without thesis statement. Bibliography: p. [141]-151.

This study deals with the indirect effects of industrial technology upon the behavior of first-line supervisors. Homans' paradigm of the constituents of social behavior, and Woodward's observations regarding organizational correlates of technology provide the rationale for the enunciation of specific hypotheses pertaining to the nature of supervisory activities, interactions and sentiments associated with each of three categories of industrial technology. The validity of the specific hypotheses is tested thru a secondary analysis of data reported in a number of observational studies of organizational behavior. The perennial "man in the middle” concept of the first-line supervisor is rejected. It is not a valid ideal-type concept that is representative of supervisory behavior in all forms of contemporary production organizations. It appears that the dominant mode of technology within a production organization or work unit affects organization structure and processes. The latter phenomena seem to be important factors shaping supervisory role demands, characteristics of work environment, and, hence, supervisory behavior. Thus, the study suggests the utility of three ideal-type constructs of supervisory behavior; one for each of the three categories of technology. Unit-and small-batch-production technology Role demands include an important technical element. Administrative activities include personally attending to personnel matters, production reports and specifications, and coordinating and monitoring work flow through the unit. Interactions with fellow supervisors along the work flow are minimally required. Interactions with both subordinates and staff specialists are typically task-oriented, face-to-face and devoid of conflict. Interactions with superiors may be mediated by the reports of staff specialists if the latter are found in the organization. Sentiments toward subordinates, superiors and staff specialists tend to be neutral to friendly in tone and fairly constant over time. Mass-production-assembly-line technology The supervisor typically neither possesses, nor is required to possess, a significant body of technical knowledge or set of technical skills. Administrative activities are directed toward coordinating and monitoring work flow through the unit, and, in general, achieving the collaboration of others. These activities are effected by verbal interactions, mainly with non-workers such as staff specialists. The requirement for interactions with fellow supervisors along the work flow ranges from being minimally required to inherent in the productive process. Interactions with staff specialists are face-to-face, task-oriented, and typically hostile. Interactions with superiors tend to be task-oriented, hostile and heavily mediated by the reports of staff specialists. Supervisory interactions with subordinates tend to be face-to-face, frequently hostile, and primarily task-oriented. The sentiments of supervisors toward subordinates, and particularly superiors, are characteristically those of defense and hostility; they are unstable over time. Sentiments toward staff specialists tend to be neutral to hostile and generally stable over time. Continuous-process technology Role demands of the supervisor include an important technical element; technical advice is both sought from and given to subordinates and staff specialists. As the degree of automaticity of production control increases, the need for coordination of work flow within and between units decreases; similarly for the requirement for exclusively task-oriented interactions with other organization actors. Administrative activities include inspection and control functions designed to assure the safety of both personnel and the process and equipment. Interactions with subordinates and staff specialists tend to allow for the mutual evaluation of technical issues. As the degree of automaticity of production control increases, such interactions tend to be characterized by the exchange of advice and information. Sentiments are generally neutral to friendly and slightly unstable over time. V.V. Murray, Supervisor / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

Heidelberg, Naturw.-math. Diss. v. (6. Okt.) 1897.

The Machinery Question during the early Nineteenth Century was the question of the impact of technical progress on the total economy and society. The question was central to everyday relations between, master and workman, but it was also of major theoretical and ideological interest. The very technology at the basis of economy and society was a fundamental platform of challenge and struggle. In the early Nineteenth Century, it was political economy, the 'natural science' of economy and society which took up the theoretical debate on the introduction, diffusion, and social impact of the radically new techniques of production associated with the era. The machine question also came to infuse not only the theoretical realm of political economy, but also the wider culture and consciousness of the bourgeoisie and the working classes. The machine question reflected the close connections of the relations of production to the concerns and conflicts pervading theory, culture and politics. This thesis has analyzed only one part of this many sided issue. It has focused on the attempt of the middle classes to use the new science of political economy to depict technical progress as a natural and evolutionary phenomenon. However, the thesis also shows that the great variety of theoretical traditions in political economy, combined with significant theoretical and working class dissent with the so called doctrine of political economy prevented the unqualified success of this attempt. The depth of the controversy evoked over the machinery issue indicated the still marked uncertainty of the experience of industrialization. By the 1820's and 1830's the factory, urban agglomerations and the coal heaps of mining counties had transformed some parts of the industrial landscape. But the permanence of this change still seemed questionable. Such change was still confined to a very small number of regions, affected small sections of the population, and contributed minimally to national income. The experience of technical change was of great novelty and excitement for those who contemplated the prospects of wealth and power it might bring. On the other hand, for the first generation of factory labour and cast off artisans and domestic workers, it still seemed possible to stop the 'unnatural' progress of technology. Working men and women felt keenly the unprecedented demands for mobility, both geographical and occupational. For them the machine meant, or at least threatened, unemployment, an unemployment which at best was transitional between and within sectors of the economy, and at worst affected the economy as a whole at times of scarce capital. For them the machine was accompanied by a change in the pattern of skills, and involved all too often the introduction of cheap and unskilled labour. In the period before the 1840's, when labour's great onslaught was against the machine itself, the machine question also featured in middle class doctrine. The times were still uncertain enough to demand that the 'cult of improvement' take on the shape of a cultural offensive rather than mere complacency. Thus the 'cult of improvement' during this era sought its -reatest scientific context in political economy. Most of the secondary literature on this period depicts the views of the middle classes and especially of political economy as ones of great pessimism. This thesis shows, to the contrary, that optimism and great faith in the new industrial technology was fundamental to the vision of political economy and to that of its middle class adherents. Ricardo's work was an intellectual and doctrinal tour de force which gripped the whole period, but which, in addition, just as significantly generated a great array of criticism. Curiously, the great historical problem of Ricardo's work was the lack of understanding it met, and the serious distortion it suffered at the hands of his popularizers. The great range of Ricardo criticism in the decades after his death was based often on misconceptions of his work. His own Principles which exuded so much interest in and hope for technical progress generated a wealth of dissident literature which also focused on improvement, skill and technical change. Though the political economy of these years was very diverse, and policy debates were hotly conducted, there is no doubt that the self-defined profession of political economy accepted certain assumptions and outlooks. There were several themes and conceptions which shaped the overall nature of this critique of Ricardo. These themes allow for the demarcation of two epochs of political economy between the 1820's and the 1830's. Political economists of the 1820's placed great emphasis on labour productivity and the skills of the artisan in their attempt to contradict the so called Ricardic predictions of overpopulation and the stationary state. By the 1830's economists still found in 'improvement,' technical change, and increasing returns, the great empirical and theoretical rebuttal to the 'Ricardian' predictions. However, 'improvement' was now discussed as the evolution of capital, and even more crucial to this change was the tendency to see capital as a material embodiment, as fixed capital and machinery. This shift of concepts was accompanied by a new methodological thrust. The political economy of the 1830's reflected a polemically inductivist mood. Unprecedented energy was devoted to debates over abstraction and induction. The political economy which resulted was more empirical, comparative and historical. New interest was given over to visiting factory districts, drawing on government reports, and in using and participating in social surveys. Political economists devoted more time to comparing the course of economic development in Britain to that of other Western economies, that of primitive societies, and that of previous historical epochs. The conceptual shift in political economy over these years seems to parallel certain tendencies and changes in the economy itself. The political economy of the 1820's appears to reflect the concerns underlying the economic-phase defined by Marx as the phase of 'manufactures'. The shift that takes place in theory in the 1830's approximates to the shift in the economy to the phase of 'modern industry.' But the conceptual changes in political economy over the period are also very closely connected to class struggle. This shows in the very seriousness attached by political economists to the 1826 anti-machinery riots in Lancashire and to the 1830 agricultural riots. Discussion of these two disturbances infused the very heights of economic theory. The establishment of political economy reflected the alarm of the middle classes and provided the 'scientific' answers to the working man's critique of machinery. Moreover, in debate with their critics, they helped to generate a new theory of technical change based on the machine and on the evolution and security of capital and the capitalist. The overall effect of these riotc on the middle clashes was a celebration of the cult of technical improvement. The force of this 'scientific' optimism in political economy was given a deep cultural basis in middle class improvement societiesandmdash;the Mechanics Institute Movement of the 1820's and the scientific and statistical societies of the 1830's. These movements were attempts to involve both the working classes and the middle classes in a concerted energetic programme to promote technical advance. They also acted to forge new cultural connections between the provinces and the metropolis. A scientific movement which, in its rhetoric at least, focused on the practical, economic and technological connections of science, created a new nexus simultaneously economic and cultural between province and metropolis. This scientific culture was material and empirical.

This creative project has simplified technical information concerning electrical discharge machining so that it may be better understood by secondary vocational and post-secondary students. The material has been collected from sources including manufacturers of electrical discharge machines, industrial personnel, industrial educators from vocational schools and universities, and technical papers from trade magazines. It has been written for the secondary vocational student at a reading level that he should be able to comprehend.Included in the text are drawings which can be used to make transparencies, exercises that can be adapted to the different types of EDM machines, and a glossary of EDM terms.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1931. / Without thesis note. Bibliography: p. 245-247.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1917. / "Reprinted from the Iron age."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1917. / "Reprinted from the Iron age."