Net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery was first documented in southern Manitoba in the 1950s by Chris Vickers and Richard S. MacNeish. At that time, the net-impressed pottery was labeled Rock Lake net-impressed, while the horizontally corded pottery was labeled as Avery Corded ware. These two wares assigned to certain foci belonging to the original Manitoba chronology. The net-impressed pottery found in southwestern Manitoba, was included with the Rock Lake focus, a cultural manifestation created by Vickers, and subsequently built upon by MacNeish. In the southeastern portion of the province, MacNeish encountered similar net-impressed pottery but assigned it to the cultural manifestation known as the Nutimik focus, a designation later deemed unfounded. Horizontally corded pottery, although labeled, was never assigned to a cultural entity.<p>Alternatively, in Minnesota, net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery have been assigned to the Elk Lake culture and are known as Brainerd ware. This cultural manifestation has a long duration in the state, beginning ca. 3500 B.P. and lasting until approximately ca. A.D. 400, when the origins of the Avonlea horizon begin to appear.<p>This thesis re-examines the work of Vickers and MacNeish, in particular the Avery, United Church, Lockport and Cemetery Point sites, where net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery have been recovered. It is illustrated that there are strong similarities between the two styles of pottery found in southern Manitoba and Minnesota. These similarities include both metric and non-metric traits. As well, four types of Brainerd ware are identified: (1) net-impressed; (2) horizontally corded; (3) parallel-grooved; and (4) plain. These kinds of pottery become important when examining ware from the Avonlea horizon, particularly in regards to the presence of net-impressed, parallel-grooved, and plain pottery. The work of Vickers and MacNeish was incredibly important to the development of a culture history for southern Manitoba, their work and that of subsequent researchers, such as Joyes (1969, 1970) needs to be re-examined.

Net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery was first documented in southern Manitoba in the 1950s by Chris Vickers and Richard S. MacNeish. At that time, the net-impressed pottery was labeled Rock Lake net-impressed, while the horizontally corded pottery was labeled as Avery Corded ware. These two wares assigned to certain foci belonging to the original Manitoba chronology. The net-impressed pottery found in southwestern Manitoba, was included with the Rock Lake focus, a cultural manifestation created by Vickers, and subsequently built upon by MacNeish. In the southeastern portion of the province, MacNeish encountered similar net-impressed pottery but assigned it to the cultural manifestation known as the Nutimik focus, a designation later deemed unfounded. Horizontally corded pottery, although labeled, was never assigned to a cultural entity.<p>Alternatively, in Minnesota, net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery have been assigned to the Elk Lake culture and are known as Brainerd ware. This cultural manifestation has a long duration in the state, beginning ca. 3500 B.P. and lasting until approximately ca. A.D. 400, when the origins of the Avonlea horizon begin to appear.<p>This thesis re-examines the work of Vickers and MacNeish, in particular the Avery, United Church, Lockport and Cemetery Point sites, where net-impressed and horizontally corded pottery have been recovered. It is illustrated that there are strong similarities between the two styles of pottery found in southern Manitoba and Minnesota. These similarities include both metric and non-metric traits. As well, four types of Brainerd ware are identified: (1) net-impressed; (2) horizontally corded; (3) parallel-grooved; and (4) plain. These kinds of pottery become important when examining ware from the Avonlea horizon, particularly in regards to the presence of net-impressed, parallel-grooved, and plain pottery. The work of Vickers and MacNeish was incredibly important to the development of a culture history for southern Manitoba, their work and that of subsequent researchers, such as Joyes (1969, 1970) needs to be re-examined.

For the Asiniskow Ithiniwak (Rocky Cree), the Missinipi (Churchill River) holds many traditional resource areas and cultural landscapes with oral histories that transfer knowledge through the generations (Linklater 1994; Castel and Westfall 2001; Brightman 1993). In recent decades, hydroelectric development in north central Manitoba has impacted Cree livelihood by altering resource use, limiting access to significant cultural landscapes and accelerating the erosion of campsites and ancestral burials into the water. Even with existing provincial heritage legislation, some of these heritage resources remain threatened by land-based developments because of the limitations related to their identification, documentation and presentation in the cultural resource management field. The tendency to focus on physical manifestations of heritage such as archaeological sites, heritage objects and built heritage overlooks other resources of heritage such as places known in the local language. I argue that these biases result from cultural divergences that exist in the understanding and definitions of heritage, particularly Indigenous heritage. In this dissertation, I articulate how underlying theoretical assumptions of reality influences our understandings of heritage. I present a postcolonial understanding of heritage as interpreted from the perspective of the Asiniskow Ithiniwak using an Indigenous research paradigm, methodologies and the nīhithow language, in conjunction with knowledge based on Western intellectual traditions. The use of a bicultural research model led to new ways in identifying heritage resources important to the Asiniskow Ithiniwak and meaningful interpretations of archaeological materials based on legal traditions. Further, this case study demonstrates that there is no singular or universal definition of heritage for Indigenous peoples. For successful heritage resources protection, I illustrate that understandings of heritage need to be contextualized locally through a community’s language, culture, customary laws and local landscape. This view, promoted by UNESCO, emphasizes that the values and practices of local communities, together with traditional management systems, must be fully understood, respected, encouraged and accommodated in management plans if their heritage resources are to be sustained in the future (Logan 2008; UNESCO 2004). This outcome demonstrates the need to reexamine the practices, policies, legislation and procedures concerned with Indigenous knowledge in cultural and natural resources management in Canada.

Professional codes of ethics and international doctrinal texts recognize the world’s archaeological heritage as the common heritage of all humanity. As such, archaeologists are obligated to share research results, including collections, with the widest audience possible, and the Internet provides exciting ways in which this can be accomplished. As a community, Canadian universities are not at present providing adequate public access to the archaeological collections in their care, particularly via Web-based channels. In this thesis, I argue that Canadian universities should provide improved online collections access. I provided Web-based public access to a sample of the Grand Rapids (Manitoba) Survey collection, and solicited user feedback in the form of an online survey. The results show that a worldwide audience did access the collections, indicating vastly improved access. Survey results imply that a public audience does find archaeological collections interesting, and is capable of learning something from the style of Web presentation used here.

For the Asiniskow Ithiniwak (Rocky Cree), the Missinipi (Churchill River) holds many traditional resource areas and cultural landscapes with oral histories that transfer knowledge through the generations (Linklater 1994; Castel and Westfall 2001; Brightman 1993). In recent decades, hydroelectric development in north central Manitoba has impacted Cree livelihood by altering resource use, limiting access to significant cultural landscapes and accelerating the erosion of campsites and ancestral burials into the water. Even with existing provincial heritage legislation, some of these heritage resources remain threatened by land-based developments because of the limitations related to their identification, documentation and presentation in the cultural resource management field. The tendency to focus on physical manifestations of heritage such as archaeological sites, heritage objects and built heritage overlooks other resources of heritage such as places known in the local language. I argue that these biases result from cultural divergences that exist in the understanding and definitions of heritage, particularly Indigenous heritage. In this dissertation, I articulate how underlying theoretical assumptions of reality influences our understandings of heritage. I present a postcolonial understanding of heritage as interpreted from the perspective of the Asiniskow Ithiniwak using an Indigenous research paradigm, methodologies and the nīhithow language, in conjunction with knowledge based on Western intellectual traditions. The use of a bicultural research model led to new ways in identifying heritage resources important to the Asiniskow Ithiniwak and meaningful interpretations of archaeological materials based on legal traditions. Further, this case study demonstrates that there is no singular or universal definition of heritage for Indigenous peoples. For successful heritage resources protection, I illustrate that understandings of heritage need to be contextualized locally through a community’s language, culture, customary laws and local landscape. This view, promoted by UNESCO, emphasizes that the values and practices of local communities, together with traditional management systems, must be fully understood, respected, encouraged and accommodated in management plans if their heritage resources are to be sustained in the future (Logan 2008; UNESCO 2004). This outcome demonstrates the need to reexamine the practices, policies, legislation and procedures concerned with Indigenous knowledge in cultural and natural resources management in Canada.

Professional codes of ethics and international doctrinal texts recognize the world’s archaeological heritage as the common heritage of all humanity. As such, archaeologists are obligated to share research results, including collections, with the widest audience possible, and the Internet provides exciting ways in which this can be accomplished. As a community, Canadian universities are not at present providing adequate public access to the archaeological collections in their care, particularly via Web-based channels. In this thesis, I argue that Canadian universities should provide improved online collections access. I provided Web-based public access to a sample of the Grand Rapids (Manitoba) Survey collection, and solicited user feedback in the form of an online survey. The results show that a worldwide audience did access the collections, indicating vastly improved access. Survey results imply that a public audience does find archaeological collections interesting, and is capable of learning something from the style of Web presentation used here.