<p>Despite general consensus among scholars that race in the West is an early modern phenomenon that dates to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, late medieval English texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries expend no small amount of effort depicting the differences between people&mdash;individuals and groups&mdash;and categorizing those people accordingly. The contexts for the English literary concern with human difference were the Crusades and associated economic expansion and travel into Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Scholars who have argued that race is present in medieval texts have generally claimed that race is subordinate to religion, the dominant cultural force in medieval Europe. In &ldquo;Race and Conversion in Late Medieval England,&rdquo; I argue that race is not necessarily subordinate to religion. Rather, racial and religious discourses compete with one another for ideological dominance. I examine three texts, juxtaposed in only one extant manuscript, London, British Library, MS Cotton Vespasian E.16; the <italic>Three Kings of Cologne</italic>, the <italic>Siege of Jerusalem</italic>, and the physiognomy portion of the <italic>Secretum Secretorum</italic> together narrate competition between race and religion as community&ndash;forming ideologies in England through their treatments of religious identity and physical characteristics. In addition, I study Chaucer&rsquo;s <italic>Man of Law's Tale</italic>, which distills down questions of religious difference to genealogy and the interpretation of blood. &ldquo;Race and Conversion in Late Medieval England&rdquo; argues that racial ideology emerges from and competes with religion in late medieval English literature as a means of consolidating power in crusading Western Europe, even as the ever present possibility of Christian conversion threatens to undermine the essentializing work of race.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (D. Mus. Arts)--University of Washington, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-110).

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Jeder sieht, dass auf dem mit unserer Veröffentlichungskultur wesentlich verbundenen Buchmarkt viel in Bewegung isr. Klar ist zugleich, dass das Rad der Geschichte nicht zurückgedreht werden kann. Moderne Kommunikationstechniken setzen sich durch und drängen juristische Schutzregelungen wie kulturelle Gewohnheiten in die Defensive, auch und gerade bei der Digitalisierung des Buchbestandes. Vor diesem knapp skizzierten Hinrergrund der sich wandelnden Texrkulrur lässt sich die Fragestellung verschärfen und fragen, welchen Sinn es hat, Handschrifren digital ins Nerz zu stellen, also solche Texte, die bis eben noch als exrrem schurzbedürftig und erklärungswürdig eingestuft wurden. Der gesamte kulrurelle Apparat, der sich um Handschriften herum entwickelt hat, geht nicht ohne Grund von der Annahme aus, dass nur Spezialisten Handschriften in der Rohform des historischen Dokumentes begreifen können, und dass eine Begegnung mir Handschriften nicht voraussetzungslos geschehen kann. Was also bringt deren Veröffentlichung online?

This dissertation analyzes the practice of making indigenous maps and their circulation in Oaxaca from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth century. Indian maps functioned as visual aids to distribute land for agriculture, ranching, subsistence farming, and mining, they served as legal titles to property, and they participated in large-scale royal projects including aqueducts and assessments of human and natural resources. Map production is examined from four distinct vantage points including social networks, materials and technology, authentication, and reproduction. In each case, maestros pintores--native master painters--collaborated with a host of individuals including Spanish officials, scribes, merchants, ranchers, farmers, town councils, caciques and lesser lords, and legal professionals to visually describe the region's geographical environment. Indigenous mapping practices fostered the development of a new epistemology that combined European and Mesoamerican worldviews to negotiate the allocation of natural resources among the region's Spanish, Amerindian, and mixed-race communities. This work stresses the role of Indian painters in the formation of early modern empires highlighting the way mapmakers challenged Spanish ideals of visual representation instead re-envisioning spatial relations according to local and regional concerns.

Combining three major facets of Alfonso's final and most personal work, this holistic study utilizes a philological approach involving codicology, hermeneutics, history of art, iconology, paleography, and philosophy. Like his Cantigas de Santa María, with its vast musical, poetic and artistic dimensions, the Book of Games is a largely unexplored multi-media treasure trove of knowledge about thirteenth-century games, art and symbolism as well as personal information about the Wise King himself. Chapter I explains the historical chess, dice, backgammon and mill games ands offers the first complete English translation of the Book. Descriptions and diagrams of all 144 games, including PowerPoint presentations of all 103 chess problems using a font specially designed to match the original manuscript exactly, are presented in an international format which brings these challenging and entertaining games to life. Chapter II surveys all 151 illuminations, exploring their cultural value and identifying portraits of Alfonso, his wife, his lover, his children, his friends and his sources. Alongside traditional medieval iconography, these may represent some of the earliest known likenesses in medieval portraiture and some of the first private, non-iconographic images of a Spanish king. Chapter III interprets the literal, allegorical, tropological and anagogical meanings of each game according to the Hermetic principle "As above, so below" as well as the numerological symbolism and didactic structure reflected in the book's Scholastic structure. Each game in the Libro de los juegos contains a clue "pora los entendudos e mayormientre pora aquellos que saben la Arte de Astronomia" (fol. 95r) for understanding the connection between astrology and human affairs. At the end of his ill-starred life Alfonso saw reflected in the microcosm of these games, the determinism inherent in the workings of the universe. By studying the patterns in these games, Alfonso hoped to discover how best to play the game of life using both his "seso," or skill, and his lucky number seven. The numerological and astrological significance of the numbers seven and twelve, present in the entire work's structure and especially the concluding games, relate the Book of Games to the Alfonsine legal, scientific and religious corpus.

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Much recent scholarship celebrates the early modern period for its development of broader public political engagement through printed media and coffeehouse culture. It is the argument of this study that the formation in England under Charles II of a public sphere may be shown to have followed a reassessment of political discourse that began at Westminster during the troubled reign of that king’s father, Charles I. The narrative of parliament’s growth in this era from an “event to an institution,” as one historian describes it, tells of more than opposition to the King on the battlefields of the English Civil War. Parliament-work in the early years of England’s revolutionary decade also set new expectations for rhetorical deliberation as a means of directing policy in the House of Commons. The ideals of discursive politics that were voiced in the Short Parliament (May 1640), and more fully put into practice in the opening session of the Long Parliament (November 1640), were soon also accepted by politically-minded authors and readers outside Westminster. Prose controversy published in print and political poetry that circulated in manuscript both demonstrate that the burgeoning culture of debate outside parliament could still issue “in a parliamentary way.” Such promotion of productive textual engagements eventually constituted a wider, notional assembly, whose participants – citizen readers – were as much a product of deliberate education and fashioning as they were of the “conjuring,” “interpellation,” or “summoning” that recent scholarly vocabulary suggests. Following the spirit of reform in the English parliament, and subsequently developing through the years of partisan political writing that followed, public opinion, like the Commons, established itself in this era as an institution in its own right. These public and private assemblies disseminated the unprecedented amount of parliamentary writing and record-keeping that distinguishes the period under review, and this rich archive provides the literary and historical context for this study.

This dissertation provides the first full-scale musicological study of Stuttgart 95, a thirteenth-century song book, formerly thought to be from the abbey of Weingarten. Upon further examination, it is clear that rather than a single unified corpus of Latin songs, the musical portions are composed of three separate layers. Furthermore, I argue that these layers were best understood as separate entities. This delineation between writing campaigns indicates that the original musical project likely constitutes a mostly intact collection, with only one or two folios missing from the beginning of the codex. Moreover, the song repertoire in the first layer is partially comprised of addenda entered into other Engelberg liturgical manuscripts, mainly at the close of the twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth century, shortly before the manufacture of Stuttgart 95. I focus, in particular, on the first layer of its musical corpora, arguing that the earliest stratum in this composite manuscript points to the double cloister of Engelberg as a likely provenance. As a collection of addenda, it demonstrates that musicians in Engelberg actively collected pieces that addressed Mary, the community’s patrona. I first discuss the consistent use of majuscule and rubrication to visually highlight the name of Mary amidst its surrounding text. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Mary along with each of these additional saints had liturgical ties to the double house of Engelberg; Mary was the monastery’s patrona, and the additional figures were either especially venerated at Engelberg or were the namesakes for dedicated altars or chapels in joint community’s churches.