Seventeen years after the Challenger accident, the space shuttle Columbia and its crew were only forty miles from Kennedy Space Center when the shuttle exploded during re-entry to the Earths atmosphere. The explosion killed all seven astronauts onboard. NASA, the National Aeronautics and Space Administrations immediately jumped into action, declaring a contingency and following the Agency Contingency Action Plan for Space Flight Operations. As a public sector organization, one that must report to Congress and the American public, NASA is held to different standards than private organizations when it comes to releasing information. To understand how public sector organizations handle crises, the strategies and tactics NASA used following Columbia and how closely the agency followed the contingency plan, this study takes a look at NASA from an internal perspective using interviews with six people who were NASA employees at the time of Columbia and one journalist who covered the story. Through the interviews those who were there and handled the crisis explained that they followed the plan very closely, but that the key in having a plan is to allow for flexibility and to make sure employees understand how the plan works by holding rehearsals. Tactics used during Columbia included everything from press releases to press conferences, with NASA Web site playing a crucial role in the dissemination of information. NASA chose the strategy of open and honest communication following Columbia, which served the agency well, earning it praise from the media and the public. This idea of open and honest, or transparent, communication was crucial for NASA as a public sector organization and the organization provides a model for communication following a crisis that other public sector organizations could follow.

This dissertation explores the potential and role of the Internet-based media in the Kyrgyz Republics political processes after the 2005 March Revolution. It uses a model of interaction between the government and citizens through various types of realities: the reality constructed and imposed by the state-controlled media, the reality created by alternative, independent sources of information online, and the realities experienced by citizens in their daily lives. The model pulled together various theories from political science, sociology, psychology, and mass communication and focused on the exit-voice-loyalty options available for the citizens in response to governance practices. The research project uses a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods. The results of content analysis have shown that in coverage of the 2007 Constitutional Referendum, independent Internet-based media indeed constructed a reality alternative to the official propaganda imposed by state media and were more critical of the government in terms of good governance practices than the state media. Further, the results of surveys and focus groups provide the evidence that Internet-based media play a significant role in shaping perceptions of good governance among politically interested Internet-based media users toward more negative evaluations of and higher levels of frustration with the government performance. Finally, the Internet media use is associated with the higher levels of intent to leave the country (i.e., exercise the exit option) among the research participants with low political interest.

Considerable research has been devoted to detailing how news framing structures public opinion. As a major rhetoric device to present information to the public, framing has the capacity of enlightening the public on the costs and benefits of particular policy choices. However, few studies have examined media framing of international trade and its impact on public opinion, and no study to date has connected how framing of international agreements might affect individual investment attentions. This study attempts to fill this gap in the literature by examining individual responses to pro-trade versus anti-trade and gain versus lose frames. It further extends existing literature by considering the impact of framing on individual investment intentions suggesting that framing has effects beyond opinion and may impact actual behaviors. Even though the frames in communication do influence individual preference choices concerning foreign trade policies, these policy options are also subject to powerful influence of individual pre-existing schemas about international trade. These predispositions could help not only redistribute the scarce resource of attention and construe incoming stimuli, but also orientate public opinion on foreign trade policies and even influence individual behavioral responses.

My study examined how inner-city adults perceive and experience the Internet as a civic engagement tool, and if they view the Internet as a tool for environmental advocacy. Research shows a consistent divide between those with Internet access and those without. Individuals living in low-income minority communities are the least likely groups to be Internet connected. Consequently, the Internet could further separate historically marginalized communities from important government and social resources rather than bringing them closer. Qualitative research methods were used to reveal socially-constructed perceptions of the Internet as a civic engagement tool in the inner city. Grounded theory techniques helped develop a solid final interpretation. My objective was not to compare low-end of the divide users with more affluent users but to broadly explore whether inner city adults perceive the Internet as a tool for environmental advocacy. My findings revealed problems of crime, drugs and violence as a result of persistent unemployment in the inner city far outweigh concerns of environmental risks. Overall,participants were confident in their ability to solve local problems and bridge with local organizations, but they feared retaliation, community apathy, and misplaced priorities would keep them from achieving their goals. Participants preferred face-to-face communication for mobilizing support and media for staying informed. Experienced users viewed the Internet as a valuable information-seeking tool. Participants viewed the Internet in positive and productive ways that helped them with school, employment, and important personal matters. Noticeably absent from the findings was participants view of the Internet as a communication technology. Finally, the primary barriers to Internet access in the community were costs, personal time, insufficient public access, and navigation problems. For important matters, though, participants found ways around barriers by reaching out to social support networks, including friends, family and co-workers. My study contributes to both theory and practice. Diffusion of Innovation predicts adoption of new technologies based on certain attributes. Findings reveal relative advantage and compatibility of the Internet shapes participants view of the Internet. The findings also offer important insight to environmental policy makers and civic leaders for engaging inner city residents in 21st century environmentalism.

This dissertation is an in depth study of the structures, actors, and policy communities associated with U.S. public diplomacy toward Iran. Since 2006, the U.S. government has spent more than $200 million for its Iran-related public diplomacy via State Department "democracy promotion" programs, National Endowment for Democracy, and the Broadcasting Board of Governors. These initiatives promoted regime change in Iran, ignoring a substantial majority of Irans population opposed to U.S.-sponsored interventions. The study finds U.S. public diplomacy as it relates to Iran fits with the two-way asymmetrical model of public relations. The dissertation identifies 182 individuals who participated in the Iran policy debate between January 2008 and January 2009. Based on the policy recommendations these members of the Iran issue network propose, the study uncovers the existence of the following four policy communities: Punitive Nonengagement, Hawkish Engagement, Strategic Engagement, and Fundamental Change. While regime change is the ultimate objective of both the Punitive Nonengagement and the Hawkish Engagement policy communities, only the latter believes that negotiation is a useful tactic in gaining compliance from Iran. Both, however, view Iran as a major threat to U.S. and Israeli interests and see no role for Iran in solving regional challenges. The Strategic Engagement policy community does not share this abysmal appraisal of Iran; rather, its members see meaningful cooperation between the United States and Iran on key regional issues as viable if their relationship is based on mutual respect. The Fundamental Change policy community finds the underlying assumptions of U.S. Iran policy vitally flawed and believes that all policy options short of an overhaul of U.S. international behavior lack ethical and legal legitimacy. Both the Strategic Engagement and Fundamental Change policy communities argue America should cease its pursuit of regime change in Iran and abide by its obligations under the Algiers Accord. Public diplomacy recommendations proposed by the Punitive Nonengagement and the Hawkish Engagement communities correlate with policies adopted by the Bush administration, with those of the former doing so more readily. The Obama administration is expected to adopt policies resembling the recommendations of the Hawkish Engagement policy community.

Natural disasters such as hurricanes can be cataclysmic for any city. This is especially true for cities that rely on tourism as an economic driving force. The inevitability of these disasters, even with extensive planning, contain variables for which cities cannot be prepared. Such was the case with Hurricane Katrina, which hit New Orleans in 2005. After the hurricane made landfall on August 29, 2005, New Orleans, the state of Louisiana and federal government officials faced a daunting task of recovering from the terrible natural catastrophe. Tourism was one of the hardest hit industries for New Orleans and the state of Louisiana. Revenue from out-of-state visitors accounts for 35 percent of the citys annual operating budget, employing 85,000 residents and generates $5 billion in spending annually (Fact Sheet, NOCVB, 2008). Katrina struck a devastating blow to the second largest industry in the state through physical destruction. In addition, large amounts of negative media coverage contributed to the negative perception that New Orleans could not handle such a disaster. Public relations seemed a key component to rebuilding New Orleans image and bringing tourism dollars back to the region. Practitioners, especially those within the New Orleans Metropolitan Convention and Visitors Bureau (NOCVB), stated that they used public relations strategies and tactics to help revive the industry. This study gives a brief historical description of Hurricane Katrina and the tourism industry in New Orleans. It analyzes the approach the NOCVB used to revitalize tourism through the Forever New Orleans campaign. This study further supports the importance of practitioners becoming aware of the contingencies that can occur in a time of crisis, and extrapolates results from the analysis of this campaign that can serve as a model for other major cities that face a crisis within the tourism industry after a natural disaster.

Since the inception of Freedoms Journal in 1827, the black press has sought to elevate the black community as well as advocate for civil rights and justice. This thesis examines news coverage in the Chicago Defender, a prominent black newspaper that has created a public sphere for the black community. Specifically, this research reveals whether the newspaper framed Reverend Jesse Jacksons 1988 campaign differently from President Barack Obamas 2008 campaign. Furthermore, this thesis sought to reveal how a well-known black newspaper provided meaning for its readers about two black presidential candidates who adopted disparate political messages in order to appeal to American citizens. The thesis utilizes framing theory in order to understand how the newspaper covered Reverend Jackson and Senator Obama, and it employed a qualitative analysis methodology. Discourse analysisa method that falls under qualitative researchwas employed in order to examine words, sentences, phrases and tone. The findings illustrate that the Defender attempted to support and elevate Reverend Jackson, but showed skepticism about his ability to win the Democratic presidential nomination. On the contrary, the newspaper overwhelmingly supported Senator Obama, using his candidacy to elevate the black community.

Using Jowett and ODonnells system of propaganda analysis, the present case study concentrates on Americas dominant propaganda messages, techniques, and media channels used in Iran during the time period between 1951 and 1953. The chosen period is of historical significance since it entails the Iranian nationalization of oil crisis and the 1953 coup against the government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq. The coup was the first CIA-sponsored covert operation against a foreign government and served as a model for subsequent operations elsewhere. An examination of the official correspondence of the major U.S. actors involved, as documented in the tenth volume of the Foreign Relations of the United States series, reveals that the primary objective of U.S. policy in Iran was to maintain Western control of the countrys oil resources as a means to curb Soviet power in the region. American officials realized that nationalism was a real and potent force in the country and that Mosaddeq enjoyed overwhelming public support. Frustrated with the failure of a negotiated settlement, the Truman administration began to secretly plan for covert action. The coup was eventually implemented under the Eisenhower administration. The nationalistic nature of Iranian public opinion which equated Russian and British forms of imperialism ran counter to American policies in the region. To mitigate this counter-productive mentality, the United States planned its propaganda programs to raise the desire of the Iranian people to resist communism. Thus, in the three years before the coup, U.S. propaganda messages concentrated on spreading an anti-communist ideology. In the months preceding the coup, the United States spent more than $1,000,000 in part to buy the allegiance of influential Iranian figures, such as deputies of the parliament, and to purchase the services of the controllable Iranian press. The CIA relied on black propaganda to reduce Mosaddeqs popularity and legitimacy by, among other things, alleging that his actions were in line with the Tudeh Party (the Iranian communist party) and that he was an anti-religious individual. As a whole, the thesis shows the centrality of propaganda to U.S. foreign policy.

This dissertation explores the ownership of online news content within the broader context of diversity of news sources in the public sphere. The free flow of diverse sources of news and information is critical to democratic governance and public discourse. Research has highlighted the central role the Internet can play in facilitating this discourse and thus contributing to the political process. This research explores the diversity of news online by examining the ownership of news sources online. The project uses a qualitative case study approach and basic quantitative methods to conduct analyses of the homepages of News Corporations www.FOXNews.com and Yahoo! Inc.s www.news.yahoo.com. Four key elements are addressed: (1) the commercial imperatives of News Corporation and Yahoo! Inc., as these imperatives relate to the ownership and production of online news content online, (2) the ultimate owners of sources of news content cited on www.FOXNews.com and www.news.yahoo.com, (3) the corporate relationships between News Corporation and the ultimate owners of news content on www.FOXNews.com and between Yahoo! Inc. and the ultimate owners of news content on www.news.yahoo.com, and (4) the types of news content on these Web sites and the organization of the news content on the homepages. Findings indicate that the overall corporate commercial imperatives of News Corporation and Yahoo! Inc. guide the production, aggregation, and distribution of news content on the homepages of www.FOXNews.com and www.news.yahoo.com. International news agencies and a small group of media corporations are dominant as ultimate owners of news content on the homepages of www.FOXNews.com and www.news.yahoo.com. In addition, both News Corporation and Yahoo! Inc., have extensive corporation content sharing relationships with major media companies already dominant in traditional media. The results indicate that media conglomerates already dominant in the production, aggregation, and distribution of traditional media are also dominant online. The ostensibly many brands of news content are, in fact, owned by few ultimate owners. Such ownership gives media corporations enormous power and the potential to influence public discourse on important matters of governance and political life.

ABSTRACT In entertainment, the media often portray various social groups, including women, in certain negative ways and as having more negative qualities than other traditional social groups, such as white males. These portrayals provide viewers with ways of thinking about and acting towards members of a particular group, thus affecting communication and perception. This research seeks to analyze data on horror film stereotyping in a new way not by merely observing stereotypes of women in horror film, but by examining the content across time-periods and societal change. A textual analysis will compare 16 total films, 8 original films versus the later remakes of each film. This will help analyze the female stereotypes that exist within horror films as well as society. Even though the media says that stereotypic portrayals have changed over the last few decades, social stereotypes still exist today.