莫麗明. / 打字複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞與傳播學部. / Da zi fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-102). / Mo Liming. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan xin wen yu chuan bao xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、一 --- 前言 --- p.2 / Chapter 一、二 --- 研究目的及範圍 --- p.3 / Chapter 一、三 --- 基本概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、四 --- 研究之問題 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、五 --- 研究的特點及限制 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、六 --- 囘顧「一九九七」 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻同顧一處境理論 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、一 --- 處境理論簡介 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、二 --- 處境變項和認知處境的類型 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、一 --- 問題的認知 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、二 --- 問題限制的認知 --- p.15 / Chapter 二、二、三 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.17 / Chapter 二、二、四 --- 参考準則 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、三 --- 傳播行為 --- p.19 / Chapter 二、四 --- 認知類型的傳播行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、一 --- 認知處境的類型 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、二 --- 樂觀型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、三 --- 拘束型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、四 --- 常規型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、五 --- 悲觀型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、六 --- 問題關切性對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、七 --- 参考架構對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、一 --- 基本概念的運作定義 --- p.28 / Chapter 三、二 --- 研究假設 --- p.29 / Chapter 三、二、一 --- 認知類型與傳播行為 --- p.30 / Chapter 三、二、二 --- 問題的關切性與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、二、三 --- 内在参考架構與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、三 --- 測量方法一問卷設計 --- p.32 / Chapter 三、四 --- 抽樣 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、五 --- 資料搜集 --- p.35 / Chapter 三、六 --- 分析方法 --- p.36 / Chapter 笫四章 --- 研究結果 --- p.38 / Chapter 四、一 --- 選樣學生的基本特徵 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、一 --- 學生的背景資料 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、二 --- 學生對四個處境變項的認知程度 --- p.41 / Chapter 四、一、三 --- 學生的傳播行為 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、二 --- 四種類型的學生分佈及特徵 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、一 --- 四種類型的學生分佈情況 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、二 --- 不同類型學生的背景資料 --- p.53 / Chapter 四、二、三 --- .不同類型學生對處境變項之認知程度 --- p.56 / Chapter 四、三 --- 不同類型學生的傳播行為 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞内容的詳細程度 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、三、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.63 / Chapter 四、三、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.65 / Chapter 四、三、五 --- 小結 --- p.66 / Chapter 四、四 --- 問題關切性、政治態度、政治興趣對於樂觀型、拘束型兩類學生傳播行為之影响 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、一 --- 類型與問題的關切性 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、二 --- 類型與政治態度 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、四、三 --- 類型與政治興趣 --- p.69 / Chapter 四、四、四 --- 小結 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果摘要及討論 --- p.72 / Chapter 五、一 --- 樂觀、拘束二型的分佈 --- p.73 / Chapter 五、二 --- 樂觀、拘束二型學生的傳播行為 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞及《聯合聲明》内容的詳細程度 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、二、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.79 / Chapter 五、二、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.81 / Chapter 五、三 --- 干涉變項對樂觀，拘束二型學生的傳播行為之影响 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、一 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、二 --- 對中共的政治態度 --- p.84 / Chapter 五、三、三 --- 對政治的興趣 --- p.84 / Chapter 笫六章 --- 總結及建議 --- p.92 / Chapter 六、一 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 六、二 --- 建議 --- p.94 / 參考書目 --- p.96 / Chapter 附錄I --- 圖表 --- p.103 / Chapter 附錄II --- 問卷 --- p.136

Li Yee Ching, Magdalene. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-160). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgments --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction / Overview --- p.1 / Research Objective --- p.5 / Conceptualization --- p.7 / Organization of the paper --- p.11 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Communication and Collective Memory / Overview --- p.13 / Collective Memory and Social Changes --- p.20 / Collective Memory and Political Changes --- p.22 / Mass Media and Collective Memory --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Research Design / Discourse Analysis of the Representation of June4 --- p.31 / Data Analysis --- p.34 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Initial Frames of Remembrance of the Tiananmen Incident in1989 / The Structure of the Available Past --- p.38 / The 1989 Pro-Democracy Movement in Beijing --- p.40 / Framing the June 4 Incident in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45 / Contextualizing the 1989 Pro-democracy Movement --- p.56 / June 4 and the Hong Kong Media --- p.61 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- The First Anniversary of the Crackdown in1990 / Commemoration and Collective Memory --- p.66 / The Commemoration Project of June4 --- p.67 / The Media as a Field of Memory --- p.68 / Cultivating Collective Memory --- p.70 / Interpreting the Changes in Memory --- p.77 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- The 5th Anniversary of June 4 in1994 / The Script of the June 4 Anniversary --- p.80 / The Commemoration Project in1994 --- p.81 / Shifting Media Representations of Key Players --- p.83 / Subdued Commemoration of the Media --- p.91 / The Context of Changes in the June 4 Memory --- p.93 / The Role of the Media --- p.96 / Chapter Chapter 7: --- The June 4 Incident Commemoration on the Eve of the1997 Handover / Contradictions in the Memory of June4 --- p.101 / Media's Coverage and the June 4 Commemoration --- p.103 / Representation of Major Actors in1997 --- p.104 / Media's Interpretation of the Meaning of June4 --- p.113 / Interpreting the Changes --- p.115 / Chapter Chapter 8: --- Commemorating the June 4 Incident in a Chinese City The 10th Anniversary of June4 / Ambiguous Definition of the June 4 Incident --- p.120 / The Media and the Mnemonic Dispute --- p.124 / The Wider Context of the 10th Anniversary --- p.128 / Remembering to Forget: Interpreting the Changes in1999 --- p.131 / Chapter Chapter 9: --- Conclusions: The People Will Not Forget --- p.136 / Bibliography --- p.154 / Appendix 1: Survey on People's Opinion on the June Fourth Incident --- p.161 / Appendix 2: Protocol for Textual Analysis --- p.163 / Appendix 3: Interview Protocol --- p.164 / Appendix 4:Interviewee Profile --- p.165

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 / Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 / Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 / Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 / "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 / Reference --- p.187

by Wan Fang. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Acknowledgments --- p.iii / Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 / Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 / Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 / Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 / Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 / Endnotes --- p.65 / References --- p.69 / Figures & Tables --- p.77

This thesis is a series of four articles examining the interface of public relations and journalism and how this affects the information the public receives as news. The central research question it aims to answer is: 'How can the public guard against manipulation of opinion?' The articles are accompanied by an exegesis which explains the research process and the role of important sources in the project. The research draws on relevant literature as well as interviews with people involved in public relations, journalism and academia.The first article Public Relations & Democratic Society looks at the various definitions of public relations and examines the debate over whether PR operates in the public interest. Article two, The Production of News, discusses the interface of public relations and journalism and also deals with the economic considerations affecting mass media outlets. PR Under the Spotlight in New Zealand, the third article, is a case study of a public relations campaign mounted by state-owned logging company Timberlands West Coast Ltd. The final article Navigating the Information Environment examines the current state of the interface between PR and journalism in New Zealand and sets out suggestions for how members of the public can avoid being manipulated.The research found that in order to prevent manipulation it is up to members of the public to actively seek truth and not uncritically accept information received through the media. Due to the work of the public relations industry and the media there are many ways in which information can be filtered and massaged and it is knowledge of these processes that puts the public in the best position to see reality.

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Set against the background of public life and political practice in late capitalist mass democracies, this study presents information and communication structures as central to the formation of discursive opinion and the negotiation of social identities. Discussion and processes of exchange, that is, are conceived to be crucial to politics in the full democratic sense (as the pursuit and realization of human emancipation) . Taking the mass media to be the central institutions and a primary locus of power in the contemporary public sphere, this study seeks to explore both their semiotic, discursive natures, and the material, institutional context in which they are embedded. The concern to theorize the impact of the mass media on the public sphere 's internal processes of social, cultural and political discourse and therefore on individual and social orientation and action - is essentially a concern to come to terms with the operations of ideology and power in industrial capitalist democracies . The overall context of social communication is changing, and with it the ideological codes of power. It is therefore imperative to arrive at some understanding of the dynamics of signifying processes, the ways in which the culturally specific rhetorical lenses of the media filter and alter the wider framework of social understandings, and the possibilities for generating new social, cultural and political discourses critical of the mystifications of power. Chapter One discusses Habermas's analytical and historical account of the development of bourgeois forms of social criticism in England, France and Germany during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and their effacement in the nineteeth and twentieth centuries by the forces of mass culture and industrial capitalism . Chapter Two then proceeds to address several theoretical problems and methodological flaws in Habermas formulation. Of particular concern are his understanding of the role of the media in shaping cultural criticism, and his conceptualization of the process of communication, in which the audience is cast as passive. A critical interrogation and reconstruction of Habermas category of the public sphere to suit the changing environment of public communication is therefore called for. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process.Chapter Six explores the political economy of late capitalism and demonstrates the need to balance semiology's textualist approach to meaning construction with an understanding of the relevance of the wider institutional context. Notwithstanding the inherent polysemy of media texts and the active role of audiences in the construction of sense and identity, this chapter argues that the character and quality of the discursive relations of advanced capitalist societies are profoundly shaped by the dynamics and principles of industrialization, commercialization, commodification and profit realization . This mediating institutional context of social communication must be taken into account by those concerned to demystify the discourses of power and their implicit agendas. Chapter Six then proceeds to address the democratic potential of new information and communication technologies. The background for this cautionary discussion is the technologization of human culture , as well as certain depoliticizing trends within the infrastructure of so-called "Information Society ", such as the growing prevalence of market principles and the increasing demands of "corporate imperatives". The chapter ends with a brief discussion of Tim Luke's argument that the participatory nature of new technologies can be exploited by counter-hegemonic groups seeking to broaden the scope of public communication in order to build a firebreak against the further colonization of the lifeworld by capital and the State. The study concludes by arguing that despite observable tendencies towards the privatization of information and the centralization of meaning, ideology remains everpresent in modern industrialized countries, and is always open to contestation. It further suggests that the ability of audiences to actively decode ideological cultural forms according to their own interests and lived experiences, together with the potential of new technologies to circulate these alternative and often counter-hegemonic meanings augurs well for democratic practice. For not only is it possible to expose and challenge the dynamics of power, but it is also increasingly possible for audiences to contribute to the agenda of political discussion, and thereby lend substance and credibility to the discursive formations of the (much maligned) contemporary public sphere. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

Agenda-setting hypotheses inform political communications studies of media influence (public agenda-setting), as well as examinations of the policymaking process (policy agenda-setting). In both cases, studies concentrate on the salience of issues on actors' agendas, and the dynamic process through which these agendas change and effect each other. The results, narrowly conceived, offer a means of observing media effects or the policy process. Broadly conceived, agenda-setting analyses speak to the nature of relationships between major actors in a political system. This study differs from most past agenda-setting research in several ways. First, this project draws together public and policy agenda-setting work to build a more comprehensive model of the expanded agenda-setting process. Secondly, the modeling makes no assumptions about the directions of causal influence - econometric methods are used to establish causality, allowing for a more nuanced and accurate model of issue dynamics. Quantitative evidence is derived from a longitudinal dataset (1985-1995) including the following: a content analysis of Canadian newspapers (media agenda), 'most important problem' results from all available commercial polls (public agenda), and measures of attention to issues in Question Period, committees, Throne Speeches, government spending, and legislative initiatives (policy agenda). Data is collected for eight issues: AIDS, crime, debt/deficit, environment, inflation, national unity, taxation, and unemployment. The present study, then, is well situated to add unique information to several ongoing debates in agenda-setting studies, and provide a bird's eye view of the media-public-policy dynamics in Canadian politics. Many hypotheses are introduced and tested. Major findings include: (1) there is a Canadian national media agenda; (2) the salience of issues tends to rise and fall simultaneously across Canada, although regional variation exists based on audience attributes and issue obtrusiveness; (3) there is no adequate single measure of the policy agenda - government attention to issues must be measured at several points, and these tend to be only loosely related; (4) the agenda-setting dynamics of individual issues are directly and systematically related to attributes such as prominence and duration; (5) Canadian media and public agendas can be affected by the US media agenda.