<p> <i>The Object of Zionism</i> investigates the fabrication of the State of Israel as a unique project in modern history&mdash;unprecedented in its relative scope and rates of growth; ideological and visionary roots; political and ethical circumstances; and concentration of architectural experiments. These experiments entailed the molding of a new artificial landscape and infrastructure, the destruction and expulsion of indigenous Palestinian communities, and the construction of dozens of New Towns and hundreds of new rural settlements for Jewish refugees and immigrants. Indeed, contrary to common belief and to visual impression, the State of Israel was not born of haphazard improvisation, emergency routine, or speculative ventures, and certainly not of gradual autochthonous build-up, but rather of the objective to construct a comprehensive, controlled, and efficient model-State and put into praxis modernist regional, urban, architectural, and sociological theories. </p><p> The Dissertation is conceived along the intricate dialectics of <i> Land and State.</i> These two foundational notions are positioned not as a diachronic sequence (referring until 1948 to the <i>Land of Israel </i> and thereafter to the <i>State of Israel</i>), but, quite the contrary, as an immanent bipolar condition informing all textual manifestos and spatial manifestations that may be referred to as Zionist. </p><p> Chapter 1 describes Zionism as an ideologically rural construct, as a strategically expansionist movement, and as an architecturally inventive culture, producing ever more new settlement typologies. </p><p> Chapter 2 studies the initial master-plan of the State of Israel, published in 1951. This plan, within less than a decade, transformed from a statement of 4 principles into a mega-project transcending its originators and becoming a self-generating planning machine. </p><p> Chapter 3 depicts the attempt to constitute a continuous political hegemony and a consensual cultural uniformity in Israel of the 1950s and to support such an official "Statist" attitude by a conscious and fairly elaborate architectural discourse. </p><p> Chapter 4 examines both the efficiency and benevolence of the welfare-state and its coercive policy of social engineering associated with the ambitious project of mass housing. </p><p> Chapter 5 narrates the all-too-decisive absorption of Brutalist architecture in Israel, and its instantaneous diffusion throughout all private and public sectors, programs, and typologies.</p>

<p>Jeddah, the second largest city in Saudi Arabia, is located on the west coast of the Red Sea in the Hijaz region. Lying between the two holy mosques, Makkah and Madinah, Jeddah is a more liberal and open-minded city compared to the rest of the conservative Sunni Islamic country. As the only stop along the religious tour with easy access by plane and car, Jeddah and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly impacted due to the trade route and the religious tourism. Importantly, Al- Balad, the historic city center of Jeddah, is architecturally significant, housing numerous traditional Hijazi homes. With the discovery of oil, local attitudes changed and devalued the culture and the history. And these traditional structures took on a precarious position in the developing city: swimming against the current of Western aesthetics, stereotypes, and political influence, the traditional Hijazi home fell out of fashion, and many structures were left neglected. Due to these changing dynamics and the architectural changes it wrought, this doctoral dissertation endeavors to the architecture of the traditional homes of Al-Balad by investigating the complex interaction of cultural identity and space. </p><p> In analyzing the architectural details of these residential spaces, deciphering the meaning behind the aesthetics and construction of each architectural element, and considering women&rsquo;s agency and readings about their traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs, this work reveals the hidden gender dynamics within the home, dynamics that are too often ignored or misunderstood, particularly in the West. I argue that the traditional Hijazi home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi woman&mdash;but empowered according to a different definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender constructs and, instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context of Jeddah specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. Moreover, this dissertation offers a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region and promotes the appreciation Saudi culture and history. It fills a gap in current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectural preservation curriculum for schools across Saudi Arabia; it offers a template for documentation practices in order to support, preserve, and understand the history and design of the 19th century Hijazi domestic architecture. </p><p> There is a valid need for this work. Currently, a poor archival system, a dearth of literature analyzing Saudi residential architecture, and restrictions and regulations imposed by the Saudi government have led to unique challenges. If this dissertation at times seems to avoid politically charged questions, especially within the context of feminist politics, it does so out of respect to Saudi authorities. Despite such challenges, this dissertation, by returning to Jeddah and deciphering and recording what&rsquo;s left of its traditional, historic buildings, hopes to initiate a more extensive and unified archiving system and more robust scholarship before an important aspect of Saudi history is lost. </p>