An unnoticed shift is underway in the revanchist model of accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2005) that is rebranding the neoliberal reorganization of space and economic growth. I call this shift “Urban Revanchism as Sustainability,” following Mike Davis and Daniel Monk (2007). In this study, I describe how Tampa elites, led by Democratic Mayor Bob Buckhorn, use politically popular discourses of ‘sustainability’, ‘walkability’, ‘bike-ability’, among others, to coopt the rhetoric and symbols of social and environmental justice as cover for urban capital accumulation. I describe how in the wake of 2008 which devastated Tampa, and in the context of the subsequent gentrification of downtown Tampa, this sustainable urban revitalization strategy is being used to legitimize accumulation by dispossession of the most sought-after land on the downtown waterfront. This ‘green’ mode of enforcing urban revanchism is a politically charged, class-based process that is based on the prior militarization of the city police and securitization of urban space, contradicting the principles of social and environmental sustainability (Agyeman, 2003). Based on ethnographic observations, interviews, newspaper reviews, and document analysis, I show how an environmental facade is being layered over exclusionary forms of racial displacement and class exploitation. As such, the rebranding of a system of militarized exclusion and displacement which amounts to a selective neo-liberal “right to the city” is being normalized across the downtown riverfront. The resulting new waterfront city valorizes individualized entertainment and consumption for elites and privileged business professionals, at the same that it discourages collective solidarity and care among the dwindling middle- and working classes, and enforces private competition among the poor and unemployed.

Submitted by FELIPE CÓMITRE null (fcomitre@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-01-22T19:39:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Felipe Comitre - versão final biblioteca - com ficha catalográfica.pdf: 7249049 bytes, checksum: 44f3ebc83e046adc59daacdbb3c8f3d1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Santulo Custódio de Medeiros null (asantulo@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-01-23T15:40:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 comitre_f_dr_rcla.pdf: 6576001 bytes, checksum: ba1120d3c389abeac38ab430a2400279 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-23T15:40:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 comitre_f_dr_rcla.pdf: 6576001 bytes, checksum: ba1120d3c389abeac38ab430a2400279 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-13 / A violência urbana vem sendo analisada por diferentes correntes científicas e metodológicas, fator que evidencia o seu caráter multidisciplinar. Os principais estudos se direcionam para a análise das principais causas e consequências da criminalidade nas cidades para, posteriormente, propor-se possíveis soluções para atenuar o problema que se incide no espaço urbano. Muitas vezes, a ciência geográfica se esforça em analisar a distribuição espacial dos crimes nas cidades para gerar informações que tentam revelar se as cidades, os bairros ou as regiões podem ser considerados violentos para, enfim, se estabelecer um indicador de violência. Entretanto, acredita-se que os estudos geográficos podem contribuir com reflexões que transcendem a quantificação relacionada à esfera físico-territorial dos crimes, permitindo a compreensão da relação entre violência e espaço urbano de forma mais ampla, especialmente pela interferência da violência na reprodução do espaço urbano. O intuito da tese consiste em revelar como a violência urbana tem sido utilizada como motivação para a criação de estratégias pelo poder público legitimar e impor novas normas e leis como forma de combatê-la, destacando-se a imposição do novo urbanismo militar, que muitas vezes estimula parcerias entre o poder público e o setor privado. Como se tratam de tentativas de se reduzir a violência nas cidades, as políticas públicas respaldadas pelo novo urbanismo militar são habitualmente aceitas por grande parcela da sociedade. Contudo, será analisado que muitas das leis e normas de combate aos crimes resultam na negação de direitos elementares já conquistados pelos cidadãos. A contenção da violência urbana sob a égide do novo urbanismo militar tende a gerar um processo contraditório, pois possibilita, simultaneamente, o retrocesso de garantias básicas do indivíduo pelo não cumprimento de leis e a ampliação da jurisdição repressivo-penal nas cidades, sendo essas destinadas quase que exclusivamente aos grupos sociais estigmatizados e criminalizados. O processo de retirar e impor direitos, normas e leis, de acordo com as particularidades sociais, econômicas e étnicas, confere a formação e ampliação do estado de exceção, entendido na tese pela perspectiva agambeniana como a exclusão por meio da suspensão de direitos dos cidadãos. A inter-relação entre violência, planejamento urbano e estado de exceção foi analisada de forma empírica por meio do estudo de caso das principais políticas públicas de combate à violência executadas no município de Sorocaba entre os anos de 1997 e 2017. No recorte temporal mencionado, se evidencia o avanço de normas e leis instituídas que convergem com os ideais do novo urbanismo militar e com a ampliação do estado de exceção, destacando-se as ocupações policiais em bairros periféricos, a Lei dos Bares, a implantação de câmeras de monitoramento e a privatização do espaço público. / Urban violence has been analyzed by different scientific and methodological currents, a factor that shows its multidisciplinary character. The main studies are directed to the analysis of the main causes and consequences of crime in the cities and, later, to propose possible solutions to mitigate the problem that affects the urban space. Often, geographic science endeavors to analyze the spatial distribution of crime in cities to generate information that tries to reveal whether cities, neighborhoods or regions can be considered violent, in order to establish an indicator of violence. However, it is believed that geographic studies can contribute with reflections that transcend the quantification related to the physical-territorial sphere of the crimes, allowing an understanding of the relationship between violence and urban space in a broader way, especially by the interference of violence in space reproduction urban. The purpose of the thesis is to reveal how urban violence has been used as a motivation for the creation of strategies by the public power to legitimize and impose new norms and laws as a way to combat it, highlighting the imposition of new military urbanism, which many times encourages partnerships between public authorities and the private sector. As these are attempts to reduce violence in cities, public policies backed by new military urbanism are usually accepted by a large part of society. However, it will be analyzed with many laws and standards to combat crimes resulting from the denial of human rights, have already been conquered by citizens. The containment of urban violence under the aegis of the new military urbanism tends to generate a contradictory process, as it simultaneously facilitates the retreat of the basic guarantees of the individual for non-compliance with laws and the extension of the penal repressive jurisdiction in the cities that are almost destinated exclusively to stigmatized and criminalized social groups. The process of withdrawing and imposing rights, norms and laws, according to the social, economic and ethnic particularities, confers the formation and expansion of the state of exception, understood in the thesis by the agambenian perspective as the exclusion by means of the suspension of rights of the citizens. The interrelation between violence, urban planning and state of exception was analyzed empirically through a case study of the main public policies to combat violence carried out in the city of Sorocaba between 1997 and 2017. In the mentioned time-cut, there is evidence of the advance of norms and laws instituted that converge with the ideals of the new military urbanism and with the expansion of the state of exception, with special emphasis on police occupations in peripheral neighborhoods, the Law of Bars, the implantation of monitoring cameras and the privatization of public space.