Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 294-321).

Thesis (M.A. in Securities Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Sotomayor Velázquez, Arturo C. ; Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Chile, transition to democracy, civil-military relations, civilian control of the military, democratic consolidation, postauthoritarian transition Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-84). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 597-639).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-304).

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes three case studies that chronologically review the main factors that influence the creation of the system of civil control over the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The first case analyzes the period of time before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second case examines the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from 1991 until 2000. The third case reviews the present system of civil-military relations in Ukraine. The conclusion summarize all findings of the three case studies and states that neglect of the defense issues today will lead to the risk of losing statehood tomorrow or shifting responsibility and financial burden to the future generations. Only a well funded and well-defined program of reform can help to build modern, highly capable, professional western type Armed Forces with good quality civil control over the military. Ukraine has great experience of building and reforming its military structure and system of civil control. The best proof of this is that Ukraine prevented involvement of the army in politics. / Captain, Ukrainian Army

This thesis applies Multiah Alagappa's framework for analyzing civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the post-Deng era, when several key developments have fundamentally altered the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA). These developments include the absence of a powerful paramount leader, the generational shifts in the civilian and military leaderships, the increasing professionalization of the PLA, the decline of communism as a legitimating ideology, the sustained progress of economic development, the emergence of a robust civil society, and the increasing legitimacy of China's political system. Moreover, this thesis undertakes an extensive review of the various explanations and theories advanced in the literature of civil-military relations, asserting that Alagappa's analytical framework offers the most comprehensive tool for analyzing civil-military relations to date. Using Alagappa's analytical framework, this thesis argues that the current trend in civil-military relations in China has brought increasing civilian supremacy, as the political power and influence of the PLA have diminished over time due to the decreasing significance of coercion in governance, the strengthening of non-coercive state institutions, China's sustained high level of economic development, and the increasing legitimacy of China's political system.

Since 1957, Malaysia has faced external and internal security threats. Over time, Malaysia has succeeded in solving the external threats but internal threats remained. The internal threats have come in many forms, including ethnic conflict, religious extremism and deviationism, and terrorism. Since the safety of the public lies in the hands of the government, measures have been taken to ensure the nation's stability and security, including restriction on civil and political liberties. This thesis examines human rights in Malaysia with a special focus on civil and political rights, particularly during the government of Prime Minister Mahathir. This thesis also examines the different rationalities used by the government in order to legitimize the restriction of human rights. The rationales that have been used by the government were: the anti-communist, racial harmony, the "Asian values" and developmentalism, and terrorism. This thesis analyzes the reasons behind changes in the rationales and the consequences for internal security. In addition, this thesis addresses the question of the potential impact on internal security if human rights were to be improved. In the final chapter, the thesis summarizes the findings and gives an outlook of the development of human rights in Malaysia.

The argument of this thesis is that the early success of building DCMR does not mean real consolidation without active non-governmental actors and a dynamic civil society. Drawing attention to the non-state side of civil-military relations is crucial to improving the quality of DCMR. The thesis claims, that the horizontal dimension of the Hungarian CMR has undergone a long and complex learning process. Nevertheless, the civil society component of the Hungarian CMR received less attention and its development was slow and controversial. This process is shown by the case of three types of NGOs (protest, research and educator, and cultural organizations) in Hungary between the late 1980s and 2002. Today tendencies are promising because these organizations are more diverse than earlier and the improving economy could provide additional resources for them. Nevertheless, the state support for improving this activity remained very important but it calls for considering increasingly democratic values. Furthermore, the current status of the defense- and military-related civil society calls for promotion from NATO and the European Union as well. It would be important increasing the attractiveness this field and as a result the civilian participation in it, which could be the basis of the improvement of the quality of democratic civil-military relations.