The Great War changed completely the map of Central Europe. New states were called into being, whose first decade of existence was the period of some of the greatest problems that ever confronted Europe. The Great War dislocated the normal equilibrium of production and consumption, cutting down production and increasing production, thus disorganising industrial life as a whole. The post-war financial experiments of Central Europe which followed were unparalleled in the annals of economic history. Increasing expenditure, unbalanced budgets, and adverse balance of trade, characterise the post-war period. To study the experiments of some of the succession states in the field of 'Economic Nationalism' and to analyse the results achieved, together with the League of Nations action in these matters is the main purpose of this thesis.

This dissertation is a study of the reception of the Jesuit-trained Italian author, Giovanni Botero (1544–1617) in early-seventeenth century England. It examines how Botero was translated for an English audience, and reconstructs the debates to which Botero was relevant and helped stimulate in late Elizabethan and Jacobean England. Part I examines the publication history of Botero’s books in England and finds that the translators and printers edited Botero significantly. Its primary focus is thus on who was translating Botero and for what purposes, and who was printing and selling the resulting books. It establishes that the most prominent of Botero’s books in England were the Della grandezza della città (1588), Della ragion di stato (1589), Relazioni Universali (1591–1595). Chapters I–III accordingly consider these works in turn. Chapter IV then briefly turns to consider Botero’s other works, including I prencipi (1600). Part II then turns to look at Botero’s readers. Four further chapters consider Botero’s reception in relation to four broad themes: geography and travel (Chapter I); climate and situation (Chapter II); colonies and commerce (Chapter III); and responses to Machiavelli (Chapter IV). Each of these chapters examine Botero’s contributions to these themes, other contemporary authors whom he was read alongside, and how and why people were reading him to speak to these debates. Ultimately, the backdrop to this story is English colonialism in the Americas and Ireland and a growing interest in understanding the political significance of trade. The dissertation therefore contributes to our understanding of the history of early modern political thought, translation and reception, and English-Italian intellectual exchange in the early modern period. Ultimately, the thesis tells two stories – one about the importance of this Italian author in seventeenth-century England, the other about the intellectual origins of certain key themes in British political thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

This project examines the nature of UK relations with the Omani Sultans, Sultan Said bin Taimur (1932-1970) and his son, Sultan Qaboos (1970- present), in the context of the Dhofar War (1965-1975). The internal and external circumstances of this conflict give valuable insights into Omani independence and sovereignty, thereby addressing the paucity of Omani writing on this conflict (e.g. Al Hamdani, 2010, Al Amri, 2012, Ja'boub, 2010; Muqaibl, 2002). This study utilises a qualitative descriptive analytical methodology to study documents from British, American, Egyptian, and Omani sources, including archival texts from government officials and the revolutionaries. Interviews were also conducted with key military and civilian figures in the Sultanate of Oman and Britain. Examination of the actions undertaken by Sultan Said and Sultan Qaboos in the war highlights a dichotomy between the need to ensure compatibility with British politics at that time and the desire of the Omani leaders to maintain independence in the face of British imperialism. Despite the profound differences between the policies of both Sultans, this study shows that both governments had a developing and negotiable autonomy, rather than existing as a direct colony or an informal colony (see Abdalsatar, 1989, p. 46; Fadel, 1995, p. 212; Halliday, 2008, p. 331; Miles, 1920, pp.222-230; Omar, 2008, pp. 6-7; Owtram, 2004, p. 16;Samah, 2016, p. 273; Sultan & Naqeeb, 2008, p. 26; Wilson, 2012, pp. 331-332). Importantly, the relationship with the British is shown to have been a less important factor in the events and should therefore not be over-stated as informal imperialism. The main political values in the conflict were: (1) the support of tribal leaders; (2) the role of Islam and communism; (3) the unity of the leadership; and (4) the relations between the Sultans and other Gulf leaders. Overall, the relationship between the Omani rulers and the British was one of friendship, cooperation, and exchange of interests, which the Sultans used to maintain the independent needs of Oman.

This dissertation argues that the idea of a German Menace was not simply a product of concerns about the defence of the British Isles, but rather it was born out of the mentality of British imperialism. Over the period 1896-1903, imperial antagonism between Germany and Britain, in various contexts around the globe, inspired the popular perception of the German Menace as a distinctly imperial threat. Where the established historiography locates the beginning of the Anglo-German rivalry within the development of the naval armaments race after 1904, this study traces the British fear of Germany much earlier and, crucially, much further away from the shores of the North Sea. The Dreadnought Race was a product of pre-existing anxieties; this thesis will explain the context of imperial anxiety out of which the coherent concept of the German Menace developed. It reveals how specific imperial crises informed British popular beliefs and how the stereotypes of German covetousness, autocracy and efficiency coalesced to form a powerful force in British society and politics that had reached its peak by 1903. By 1903 Germany was widely regarded as a menace to the British Empire.

The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.

The thesis aims to explain the role played by opposition nationalisms in the overthrow of two distinct regimes in early twentieth century Portugal – the Constitutional Monarchy in 1910 and the First Republic in 1926. After identifying a gap in the existing literature on Nationalism – namely, the importance of political opposition nationalisms in explaining the overthrow of ruling regimes in homogeneous, but ideologically divided, nation-states – this research project presents a three-phased theoretical framework devised with the objective of explaining the political events that led to the demise of both regimes. Accordingly, this thesis argues that in the case of Portugal, the demise of the Constitutional Monarchy and of the First Republic were preceded by the emergence of two opposition nationalisms, a left-wing and anti-clerical republican nationalism and a reactionary and Catholic integralist nationalism, respectively. Both opposition nationalisms were anti-systemic and revolutionary. They unfolded in three phases, which are common in both cases. Phase One, an opposing intelligentsia created a new nationalist ideology that contested the official rule of the governing regime. During the Constitutional Monarchy, this opposing intelligentsia was embodied by the 1870 Generation (1870-1876), whereas during the First Republic it was best articulated by Integralismo Lusitano (1910-1916). Phase Two, the ideological movement gave rise to a political opposition movement that competed at the electoral level, albeit with little success, and disseminated an alternative definition of who and what constituted the nation. Once again, intellectuals of the 1870 Generation created the Portuguese Republican Party (PRP) in 1876 while the integralists created the Junta Central do Integralismo Lusitano in 1916. Finally, Phase Three, the political opposition movement, barred from exercising power, formed a civilian-military coalition with the explicit aim of overthrowing the ruling regime from power. Between 1903 and 1910, an alliance was gradually built between the lower ranks of the military, the PRP, the Masonry and the Carbonária. In the final years of the First Republic (1922-1926), a civil-military alliance was formed between the higher ranks of the military and moderate and radical conservatives, including the integralists. As this thesis argues, these civil-military coalitions succeeded in overthrowing the regime when a series of economic and political crises put in question the legitimacy of the ruling institutions, and the defensive forces, loyal to the regime, ultimately adopted a neutral position vis-àvis the belligerent attacks of the opposition nationalists.

<p> Given an additional 10 volumes that could still be added to his <i> Collected Works</i> and 35,000 unpublished letters, the historical record on Swiss psychiatrist, Carl Gustav Jung, remains incomplete. An example is the unpublished letters between Jung and Carol Sawyer Baumann (1897-1958), an analysand and member of Jung's circle in Zurich for 30 years. The focus of this dissertation is the period of transition between 1927 and 1932, when, after a near-death experience, Baumann shifted her attention from her husband and two children in Cleveland to a search for individuation, first as an analysand under various Jungians, including Cary and H. G. Baynes, then under Jung himself. </p><p> Jung's place in psychology is first assessed, noting that he is either generally ignored or else cast as a mere acolyte of Freud. Alternatively, the dissertation is situated in the New Jung Scholarship, which positions Jung as the 20th century exponent of the symbolic hypothesis, but in the tradition of the late 19th century psychologies of transcendence. </p><p> Jung's emerging conceptions are chronicled using his documents on individuation from 1916 until 1931. The documents show the emergence of the concepts of the persona, the personal and collective unconscious, the anima and animus, attitudinal and functional types, the balancing mechanism of the psyche, the transcendent function, and the self. These conceptions are compared to an abundance of archival evidence available on Baumann, including papers held by her heirs and primary source material from repositories in various libraries. </p><p> The interaction of Jung's theory and Carol Sawyer Baumann's interpretation of individuation reveals to what degree and in what way each influenced the other. The process of collecting, reviewing, and presenting documentary evidence, as an alternative to a hypothesis-driven approach, raises further questions from the material. The extent to which she was successful in her quest can be gauged by Carol Sawyer Baumann's superior intellectual grasp of the principles of analytical psychology, her extensive researches into non-Western cultures, and her ability to communicate her findings on the process of individuation through her lectures and published writings.</p>

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In 1698 Christian Kilpatrick concluded a letter to her husband, John Clerk, with the words ‘I rest your loving obedient wife’. These words, or a variation on them, were a common subscript for wives during the seventeenth century. The combination of the words loving and obedient could be used through habit or consciously for effect, yet, in most cases, without any sense of incongruity. The relationship between these terms is at the heart of my thesis. This work explores the nature of the marital relationship during the period 1650 to 1850. It investigates how power was negotiated between couples during a period when marriage was expected to be patriarchal but also to provide happiness and fulfilment for both husband and wife. Throughout, it attempts to identify if and what change occurred over the period. Judith Bennett challenged historians in 1989, and reiterated her call in 2006, to place patriarchy at the centre of women’s history. The thesis takes up that challenge. Through an exploration of power within marital relationships, this thesis highlights how patriarchy operated to confine and restrict women’s social power. It demonstrates that patriarchy was a system that was lived in. Women and men’s understanding of the world and their own identities were shaped by cultural discourses that underpinned the patriarchal system. This thesis reveals that all the operations of married life from love to managing the household to violence were shaped by patriarchal discourses. These discourses were not static but constantly renegotiated through the actions and ideas of individuals, yet throughout the period, the patriarchal system was not fundamentally undermined, but reshaped to meet these challenges. The thesis investigates the operation of this process. It is important to recognise that, as patriarchy was a lived system, it allowed a wide range of behaviours and that people’s response to patriarchy should not only be seen in terms of compliance or resistance. Patriarchy was not only conceived of in terms of male control over women, but in every interaction between the sexes regardless of its motivations. It is through recognising the pervasive nature of patriarchy that historians will no longer contrast, for example, obedience and love, but realise that both obedience and love were part of the system. This interpretation does not undermine other historians’ work in this field, but provides greater explanatory power for patriarchy’s operation and survival. Scottish couples used changing patriarchal discourses in a myriad of ways to shape and explain their experiences. They cooperated, compromised and established power relationships that did not always conform to the ideal, but allowed their marriages to function well and brought them happiness. Not all couples could agree on the balance of power within their relationship leading to arguments and even violence. Yet, while marriages could take a variety of forms, the negotiation of power between couples used a patriarchal script, restricting the language couples used, their expectations and desires and the eventual compromise reached.

In the annals of Soviet historiography, discord and rebellion mark the cultural form of the Khrushchev Thaw. Following the U.S.S.R.s loss of its Great Leader in 1953, a diffusion of political authority met a re-evaluation of established ideology; the dominant discourse of Soviet socialism shifted and, through the subsequent clash of orthodox and liberal forces, imparted a critical aesthetic to 1950s Soviet culture. But while the narrative of dissonance privileged by most historical texts cites the sharpness of post-Stalinist art, poetry, and literature as external evidence of a struggle, little attention has been paid to the internal logic of cultural production. Soviet cultural communication based itself on a mutual mythology that pursued both a dialogue of inclusivity and a sense of accountability. By re-examining how producers of culture managed their responsibilities to the state, to the public, and to their art against the Soviet ideal of the collective and its discourse of comradely persuasion, this thesis pursues the expression of Soviet thought by way of Soviet ideology in the malleable discourse of 1953-1958. / Graduate / 0582 / 0724